History  of  Later  Years 

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BY    PROF.    W.    D.    ALEXANDER. 


HAWAIIAN  COPYRIGHT  BYW.  D.  ALEXANDER, 
OCTOBER  ISTH,  1896. 


•  .•  ••:  .•'••:: 

•'.'..'     "    *  «  * 
<    •.   «    .«*•«*       «  * 


PUBLISHED  BY  THE 

Hawaiian  Gazette  Company, 


1896, 


I. 


PREFACE. 


JTNQUIRIES  are  continually  being  made  for  a  brief,  clear  and  dispassionate  history  of  the 
**•  Revolution  of  1893  and  of  the  events  that  led  up  to  it.  The  lapse  of  time  has  already 
moderated  the  bitterness  of  party  spirit,  and  made  it  possible  to  form  a  juster  estimate  of 
the  chief  actors  on  both  sides  of  that  controversy. 

A  brief  sketch  of  the  salient  political  events  of  1887,  was  written  for  Col.  J.  H.  Blount  at  his  own 
request,  and  afterwards  republished  by  the  Hawaiian  Gazette  Co.  At  their  request  the  writer 
reluctantly  consented  to  continue  his  sketch  through  Kalakaua's  reign  and  that  of  Liliuokalani 
until  the  eve  of  the  Revolution  of  1893,  and  afterwards  to  draw  up  a  more  detailed  account  of 
the  revolution  and  of  the  subsequent  events  of  that  year.  The  testimony  of  the  principal  wit- 
nesses on  both  sides  has  been  carefully  sifted  and  compared,  and  no  pains  has  been  spared  to 
arrive  at  the  truth. 

Much  assistance  has  been  derived  from  a  paper  by  the  Rev.  S.  E  Bishop  covering  the  latter 
part  of  the  period  in  question,  and  Chapter  VI  stands  as  he  wrote  it  with  some  slight  alterations. 

The  writer,  while  not  professing  to  be  a  neutral,  has  honestly  striven  not  "  to  extenuate 
aught  or  set  down  aught  in  malice,  "  but  to  state  the  facts  as  nearly  as  possible,  in  their 
true  relations  and  in  their  just  proportions.  The  official  documents  on  both  sides  bearing  on 
the  case  are  given  in  full,  including  the  report  of  Col.  J.  H.  Blount  to  the  President  of  the 
United  States,  and  the  report  of  the  Senate  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations,  drawn  up  by 

Senator    Morgan    of    Alabama. 

W.  D.  ALEXANDER, 


397278 


CONTENTS. 


PART    I. 

THE    DECADENCE    OF    HAWAIIAN    MONARCHY. 


CHAPTER  I. 

PERSONAL   GOVERNMENT. 

Intrigues  during  Lunalilo's  Reign — Election  of  Kala- 
kaua — Court  House  Riot — Inauguration  of  Kalakaua 
— Advent  of  Col.  Spreckels— Celso  Caesar  Moreno — 
Legislative  Session  of  1880 — Fall  of  the  Moreno  Min- 
istry— The  W.  L.  Green  Cabinet — Kalakaua's  Tour 
around  the  World — Triumph  of  Gibson — Legislature 
of  1882 — Coronation  —  Embassies  — Hawaiian  Coin- 
age— Reconstruction  of  Gibson  Cabinet— Legislature 
of  1884— Spreckels'  Banking  Act— Lottery  Bill,  etc— 


Practical  Politics— Elections  of  1886 — Opium  Li- 
cense Bill — London  Loan — -Sequel  to  London  Loan — 
Royal  Misrule — The  Hale  Naua — Kalakaua's  Jubilee 
—Embassy  to  Samoa— The  Kaimiloa — The  Aki  Opium 
Scandal— Revolution  of  1887— Constitution  of  1887. 
Pages  1—22 


CHAPTER  II. 

UNDER   THE    CONSTITUTION    OF    1887. 

The  Question  of  the  Royal  Veto — Conspiracies — Pro- 
posed Commercial  Treaty  with  the  U.  S. — Legislative 
Session  of  1890 — Accession  of  Liliuokalani — Equal 
Rights  League — Legislature  of  1892 — Triumph  of  the 
Queen's  Party.  Pages 22 — 28 


CHAPTER    III. 

REVOLUTION   OF    1893. 

Return  of  the  Boston — Warnings — The  Prorogation — 
Conference  in  the  Foreign  Office — Scenes  in  the  Pal- 
ace— Appeal  to  Citizens — Postponement  of  the  Coup 
d' Eta t— Features  of  the  Queen's  Constitution — Com- 
mittee of  Safety  Organized — Interview  with  Stevens 
— Conference  held  Saturday  Evening — Offer  made  to 
Colburn  and  Peterson — Second  meeting  of  Commit- 
lee  of  Safety — Proceedings  of  the  Queen's  Friends 
Sunday  Afternoon — The  Queen's  Retraction — Third 
Meeting  of  Committee  of  Safety — Request  for  the 
Landing  of  IT.  S.  Troops— Mass  Meeting  at  the  Ar- 
mory— Report  of  Committee  of  Safety — Mass  Meet- 
ing at  Palace  Square — Landing  of  U.  S.  Troops — 
Protests — Meeting  of  Committee  of  Safety  Monday 
Evening — Mr.  Damon's  Interview  with  the  Queen — 
Last  Meeting  of  the  Committee  of  Safety — Proceed- 
ings of  the  Queen's  Party — Final  Action  of  the  Com- 
mittee of  Safety— The  Shot  fired  on  Fort  Street- 
Proclamation  of  the  Provisional  Government — The 
Volunteers — Various  Communications — Last,  Appeal 
by  the  Cabinet  to  Stevens — The  Queen's  Surrender — 
Surrender  of  the  Station  House  and  the  Barracks — 


Recognition  of  the  Provisional  Government — Dis- 
patch of  Annexation  Commissioners — The  U.  S.  Pro- 
tectorate. Pages  29 — 71 1 


PART    II. 

UNDER    THE    PROVISIONAL    GOVERNMENT. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

NEGOTIATIONS    AT   WASHINGTON. 

Treaty  of  Annexation— Mission  of  Hon.  Paul  Neumann 
— Mission  of  Mr.  Davies  and  Princess  Kaiulani — 
Withdrawal  of  the  Treaty.  Pages 71—7 


CHAPTER  V. 

THE    MISSION    OF   COMMISSIONER    BLOl'NT. 

Appointment  of  .Commissioner  Blount — His  Arrival  in 
Honolulu — The  Hauling  down  of  the  U.  S.  Flag- 
Reception  of  Royalist  Committees,  etc. — The  Bowen- 
Sewall  Episode — Col.  Blount's  warning  to  American 
Citizens— The  Nordhoff  Libel  Case — Col.  Clans 
Spreckels'  Demand — Conspiracies — Col.  Blount's  In- 
vestigations— His  Report.  Pages  7!'  -'.)] 


CHAPTER  VI. 

PRESIDENT  CLEVELAND'S  ATTEMPT  TO  RESTORE  THE  QUEKN. 
Hon.  A.  S.  Willis'  Appointment  and  Instructions — His 
Arrival  at  Honolulu — Negotiations  with  the  Ex- 
Queen — Mass  Meeting  at  the  Drill  Shed — Arrival 
of  the  Corwin  with  fresh  Instructions  to  Minister 
Willis  —  The  President's  'Message  —  The  "Black 
Week"  in  Honolulu — Minister  Willis'  renewed  Inter- 
views with  the  Queen — Mr.  J.  O.  Carter's  Mediation 
— The  Demand  for  the  Restoration  of  the  Queen — 
President  Dole's  Reply  to  the  Demand — President 

Dole's  Letter  of  Specifications.     Pages 91 — 134 

Supplement  A.     Report  of  Col.  J.  H.  Blount.    Pages  135—167 
Supplement  B.      Report  of  the   Senate  Committee 

on   Foreign  Affairs.      Pages    167 — 201 


PART    III. 

HISTORY    OF    THE    INSURRECTION    OF    JANUARY,    1895,    BY 
MR.    W.    R.    FARR1NQTON. 


Chapter  I.  Eise  and  Fall  of  the  Insurrection.  Pages  203—208 
Chapter  II.  Trial  of  Political  Prisoners.  Pages  . .  .208 — 214 
Chapter  III.  Abdication  and  Trial  of  Liliuokalani. 

Pages  215—222 

Chapter  IV.  Landing  of  Anns  and  General  Scheme 

of  the  Rebellion.  Pages 222 — 224 

Chapter  V.  Deportation  of  Political  Exiles.  Pages  .  .224 — L'2r> 
Chapter  VI.  Pardon  of  Political  Prisoners.  Pages  226— 22S 
Chapter  VII.  Diplomatic  Complications — Review. 

Pages    228—232 


Ll5T   Or    ILLC15TRAT10NJ. 


Portrait  of  Kalakaua    opp.  Page  2 

Officers  of  Citizens'  Guard   "  "  20 

Ex-Queen  Liliuokalani   "  "  22 

J.  Richardson  and  Equal  Rights  Leaguers "  "  26 

The  Wilcox  Cabinet  "  "  28 

C.  B.  Wilson  and  Members  of  Parker  Cabinet.  "  "  30 

Hon.  H.  P.  Baldwin   "  "  49 

Capt.  Wiltse  and  Hon.  J.  L.  Stevens "  "  50 

President  S.  B.  Dole "  "  54 

View  of  Honolulu  "  "  56 

Honolulu  Fire  Department "  "  60 

Col.  J.  H.  Soper   "  "  62 

The   Annexation   Commissioners    "  "  68 

The  Naniwa  and  the  Boston   "  "  70 

The  OaJiu  Railway "  "  74 

The  Princess  Kaiulani  and  others    "  "  76 

Col.  J.  H.  Blount  and  His  Ex.  A.  S.  Willis "  "  78 

The  Cabinet,  April,  1893 "  "  88 

Leading  Royalists   "  "  98 

Honolulu  Postal  Service "  "  120 

Proclamation  of  the  Republic,  July  4,  1894 "  "  134 

Members  of  the  Constitutional  Convention  of 

1894  "  «  166 

The  Annexation  Club  .  "  "  216 


ERRATA. 

Page  11  under  Wpreckels'  Bank  (Charter,  line  4,  insert  after 
and,  the  word  "using." 

Page  1)1,  2d  column,  10th  line,  read  "having  left  a  land  of 
freedom  for  one  of  despotism,"  etc. 

On  page  20(J  after  the  personnel  of  the  Military  Commission 
insert:  Captain  John  Good,  Jr.,  Company  E,  and  Second 
Lieutenant  E.  Oscar  White,  Company  B,  also  served  on  the 
Commission  in  place  of  regular  members,  when  they  were 
disqualified  or  objected  to  by  the  accused.  During  the  latter 
days  of  the  trial  Captain  Kinney  was  relieved  as  Judge 
Advocate  and  A.  G.  M.  Robertson,  commissioned  aid-de-camp 
on  General  staff  with  rank  of  Captain,  substituted  in  his  place. 
Alfred  Carter,  lately  Judge  Carter,  and  Hon.  W.  R.  Castle, 
assisted  in  preparing  the  evidence  for  the  prosecution. 


The  Later  Years  of  Monarchy. 

THE. REIGNS  OFlALAKAUA  AND  LILIUOKALANI. 


PKOPBSSOB    ALEXANDER'S    CONTRIBUTION    TO    BLOUNT'S    REPORT. 


CHAPTER  I. 

It  is  true  that  the  germs  of  many  of  the  evils  of  Ka- 
lakaua's  reign  may  be  traced  to  the  reign  of  Kamehameha 
V.  The  reactionary  policy  of  that  monarch  is  well  known. 
Under  him  the  "recrudescence"  of  heathenism  commenced, 
as  evinced  by  the  Pagan  orgies  at  the  funeral  of  his  sister, 
Victoria  Kamamalu,  in  June,  1866,  and  by  his  encourage- 
ment of  the  lascivious  hulahula  dancers  and  of  the  pernici- 
ous class  of  Kahunas  or  sorcerers.  Closely  connected  with 
this  reaction  was  a  growing  jealousy  and  hatred  of  foreigners. 

INTRIGUES    DURING     LUNALILO's    REIGN. 

During  Lunalilo's  brief  reign,  1873-74,  this  feeling  was 
fanned  into  a  flame  by  several  causes,  viz.,  the  execution  of 


the  law  for  the  segregation  of  lepers,  the  agitation  caueed  by 
the  proposal  to  cede  the  use  of  Pearl  Harbor  to  the  United 
States,  and  the  famous  mutiny  at  the  barracks.  This  dis- 
affection was  made  the  most  of  by  Kalakaua,  who  was  smart- 
ing under  his  defeat  in  the  election  of  January,  8,  1873.  In- 
deed, his  manifesto  previous  to  that  election  appealed  to  this 
race  prejudice.  Thus  he  promised,  if  elected,  "to  repeal  the 
poll  tax,"  "  to  put  native  Hawaiians  into  the  Government 
offices,"  "to  amend  the  Constitution  of  1864,"  etc.  "Beware," 
he  said,  "of  the  Constitution  of  1852,  and  the  false  teaching 
of  the  foreigners,  who  are  now  seeking  to  obtain  the  direction 
of  the  Government,  if  Lunalilo  ascends  the  throne."  Walter 
Murray  Gibson,  formerly  Mormon  apostle  and  shepherd  of 
Lanai,  then  professional  politician  and  editor  of  that  scurril- 


6ns  pa$er,  the  .Yn'io!,',  vas  bitterly  disappointed  that  he  had  been 
ignored  in  the  formation  of  Lunalilo's  cabinet.  Accordingly 
he  took  the  role  of  an  agitator  and  attached  himself  to  Ka- 
lakaua's  part}-.  They  were  both  disappointed  at  the  result 
of  the  barracks  mutiny,  which  had  undoubtedly  been  fomented 
by  Kalakaua. 

THE     ELECTION     OF    KALAKAUA. 

Upon  Lunalilo's  untimely  death,  February  3,  1874.  as  no 
successor  to  the  throne  had  been  appointed,  the  Legislature 
was  summoned  to  meet  on  the  12th,  only  nine  days  after  his 
death.  The  popular  choice  lay  between  Kalakaua  and  the  Queen- 
Dowager  Emma.  The  Cabinet  and  the  American  party  used 
all  their  influence  in  favor  of  the  former,  while  the  English 
favored  Emma,  who  was  devoted  to  their  interest.  At  the 
same  time  Kalakaua's  true  character  was  not  generally  un- 
derstood. The  natives  knew  that  his  family  had  always  been 
an  idolatrous  one.  His  reputed  grandfather,  Kamanawa,  had 
been  hanged,  October  20,  1840,  for  poisoning  his  wife,  Kamo- 
kuiki. 

Under  Kamehameha  V.  he  had  always  been  an  advocate  of 
absolutism,  and  also  of  legalizing  the  furnishing  of  alcoholic 
liquors  to  natives.  While  he  was  postmaster  a  defalcation 
occurred,  which  was  covered  up,  while  his  friends  made 
good  the  loss  to  the  Government.  Like  Wilkins  Micawber, 
he  was  impecunious  all  his  life,  whatever  the  amount  of  his 
income  might  be.  He  was  characterized  by  a  fondness  for 


decorations  and  military  show  long  before  he  was  thought  of 
as  a  possible  candidate  for  the  throne. 

It  was  believed,  however,  that  if  Queen  Emma  should  be 
elected  there  would  be  no  hope  of  our  obtaining  a  reciprocity 
treaty  with  the  United  States.  The  movement  in  favor  of 
Queen  Emma  carried  the  day  with  the  natives  on  OgJiu,  but 
had  not  time  to  spread  to  the  other  islander-^lTwas  charged, 
and  generally  believed  that  bribery  was  used  by  Kalakaua's 
friends  to  secure  his  election.  Be  that  as  it  may,  the  Legis- 
lature was  convened  in  the  old  court-house  (now  occupied  by 
Hackfeld  &  Co.)  and  elected  Kalakaua  King  by  39  votes  to  6. 

THE    COURT-HOUSE     RIOT. 

A  hort-ling  mob,  composed  of  Queen  Emma's  partizans,  had 
surrounded  the  court-house  during  the  election,  after  which 
they  battered  down  the  back-doors,  sacked  the  building,  and 
assaulted  the  representatives  with  clubs.  Messrs.  C.  C.  Harris 
and  S.  B.  Dole  held  the  main  door  against  them  for  consider- 
able time.  The  mob,  with  one  exception,  refrained  from 
violence  to  foreigners,  from  fear  of  intervention  by  the  men- 
of-war  in  port. 

The  cabinet  and  the  marshal  had  been  warned  of  the  danger, 
but  had  made  light  of  it.  The  police  appeared  to  be  in  sym- 
pathy with  the  populace,  and  the  volunteers,  for  the  same 
reason,  would  not  turn  out.  Mr.  H.  A.  Pierce,  the  American 
Minister,  however,  had  anticipated  the  riot,  and  had  agreed 
with  Commander  Belknap,  of  the  U.  S.  S.  Tuscarora,  and 


r 


Commander  Skerrett,  of  the  Portsmouth,  upon  a  signal  for 
landing  the  troops  under  their  command.  At  last  Mr. 
C.  R.  Bishop,  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  formally  applied  to 
him  and  to  Major  Wodehouse,  H.  B.  M.'s  Commissioner,  for 
assistance  in  putting  down  the  riot. 

A  body  of  J50  marines  immediately  landed  from  the  two 
American  men-of-war,  and  in  a  few  minutes  was  joined  by 
seventy  men  from  H.  B.  M.'s  corvette  Tenedos,  Capt.  Ray.x 
They  quickly  dispersed  the  mob  and  arrested  a  number  of 
them  without  any  bloodshed.  The  British  troops  first  occu- 
pied Queen  Emma's  grounds,  arresting  several  of  the  ring- 
leaders there,  and  afterwards  guarded  the  palace  and  barracks. 
The  other  Government  buildings,  the  prison,  etc.,  were  guarded 
by  American  troops  until  the  20th. 

INAUGURATION     OF    KALAKAUA. 

The  next  day  at  noon  Kalakaua  was  sworn  in  as  King, 
under  the  protection  of  the  United  States  troops.  By  an  irony 
of  fate  the  late  leader  of  the  anti-American  agitation  owed 
his  life  and  his  throne  to  American  intervention,  and  for 
several  years  he  depended  upon  the  support  of  the  foreign 
community.  In  these  circumstances  he  did  not  venture  to 
proclaim  a  new  constitution  (  as  in  his  inaugural  speech  he 
had  said  he  intended  to  do),  nor  to  disregard  public  opinion 
in  his  appointments.  His  first  Minister  ot  Foreign  Affairs 
was  the  late  Hon.  W.  L.  Green,  an  Englishman,  universally 
respected  for  his  integrity  and  ability,  who  held  this  office 


for  nearly  three   years,  and  carried  through  the  treaty  of  re- 
ciprocity in  the  teeth  of  bitter  opposition. 

THE     EECIPKOCITY    TREATY. 

The  following  October  Messrs.  E.  H.  Allen  and  H.  A.  P. 
Carter  were  sent  to  Washington  to  negotiate  a  treaty  of  re- 
ciprocity. 

The  Government  of  the  United  States  having  extended  an 
invitation  to  the  King,  and  placed  the  U.  S.  S.  Benicia  at 
his  disposal,  he  embarked  November  17,  1874,  accompanied 
by  Mr.  H.  A.  Pierce  and  several  other  gentlemen.  They  were 
most  cordially  received  and  treated  as  guests  of  the  nation. 
After  a  tour  through  the  Northern  States  the  royal  party  re- 
turned to  Honolulu  February  15,  1875,  in  the  U.  S.  S.  Pen- 
sacola.  The  treaty  of  reciprocity  was  concluded  January  30, 
1875,  and  the  ratifications  were  exchanged  at  Washington 
June  3,  1875. 

The  act  necessary  to  carry  it  into  effect  was  not,  however, 
passed  by  the  Hawaiian  Legislature  till  July  18,  1876,  after 
the  most  stubborn  opposition,  chiefly  from  the  English  mem- 
bers of  the  house  and  the  partisans  of  Queen  Emma,  who  de- 
nounced it  as  a  step  toward  annexation.  It  finally  went 
into  effect  September  9,  1876. 

TUB     ADVENT    OF    SPRECKELS. 

The  first  effect  of  the  reciprocity  treaty  was  to  cause  a 
"  boom "  in  sugar,  which  turned  the  heads  of  some  of  our 


shrewdest  men  and  nearly  caused  a  financial  crash.  Among 
other  enterprises  the  Haiku  irrigation  ditch,  twenty  miles 
in  length,  which  taps  certain  streams  flowing  down  the 
northern  slopes  of  East  Maui  and  waters  three  plantations, 
was  planned  and  carried  out  by  Mr.  S.  T.  Alexander,  in 
1877.  About  that  time  he  pointed  out  to  Col.  Glaus 
Spreckels  the  fertile  plain  of  Central  Maui,  then  lying  waste, 
which  only  needed  irrigation  to  produce  immense  crops. 
Accordingly,  in  1878,  Mr.  Spreckels  applied  to  the  cabinet 
for  a  lease  of  the  surplus  waters  of  -the  streams  on  the 
northeast  side  of  Maui  as  far  as  Honomanu.  They  flow 
through  a  rugged  district  at  present  almost  uninhabited. 
The  then  Attorney-General.  Judge  Hartwell,  and  the  Minis- 
ister  of  the  Interior,  J.  Mott  Smith,  refused  to  grant  him 
a  perpetual  monopoly  of  this  water,  as  they  state  it.  Up  to 
this  time  the  changes  in  the  cabinet  had  been  caused  by 
disagreements  between  its  members,  and  had  no  political 
significance. 

In  the  mean  time,  Mr.  Gibson,  after  many  months  of  prep- 
aration, had  brought  in  before  the  Legislature  a  motion  of 
want  of  confidence  in  the  ministry,  which  was  defeated  June 
24,  by  a  vote  of  26  to  19.  On  the  night  of  July  1,  Messrs. 
Claus  Spreckels  and  G.  W.  Macfarlane  had  a  long  conference 
with  Kalakaua  at  the  Hawaiian  Hotel  on  the  subject  of  the 
water  privilege,  and  adjourned  to  the  palace  about  midnight. 
It  is  not  necessary  to  give  the  details  here,  but  the  result  was 
that  letters  were  drawn  up  and  signed  by  the  King,  addressed  to 


each  member  of  the  cabinet,  requesting  his  resignation,  without 
stating  any  reason  for  his  dismissal.  These  letters  were  de- 
livered by  a  messenger  between  1  and  2  o'clock  in  the  morn- 
ing. Such  an  arbitrary  and  despotic  act  was  without  precedent 
in  Hawaiian  history. 

The  next  day  a  new  cabinet  was  appointed,  consisting  of 
S.  G.  Wilder,  Minister  of  the  Interior;  E.  Preston,  Attorney- 
General;  Simon  Kaai.  Minister  of  Finance;  and  John  Kapena, 
Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs.  The  last  two  positions  were 
sinecures,  but  Kaai  as  a  speaker  and  politician  had  great  in- 
fluence with  his  countrymen.  The  new  cabinet  granted  Mr. 
Spreckels  the  desired  water  privilege  for  thirty  years  at  $500 
per  annum.  The  opium  license  and  free  liquor  bills  were 
killed.  The  actual  premier,  Mr.  Wilder,  was  probably  the 
ablest  administrator  that  this  country  has  ever  had.  He  in- 
fused new  vigor  into  every  department  of  the  Government, 
promoted  immigration,  carried  out  extensive  public  improve- 
ments, and  at  the  legislative  session  of  1880  was  able  to  show 
cash  in  the  treasury  sufficient  to  pay  off  the  existing  national 
debt.  But  his  determination  to  administer  his  own  depart- 
ment in  accordance  with  business  methods  did  not  suit  the 
King. 

Meanwhile  Gibson  spared  no  pains  to  make  himself  con- 
spicuous as  the  soi-disant  champion  of  the  aboriginal  race. 
He  even  tried  to  capture  the  " missionaries,"  "experienced 
religion,"  held  forth  at  sundry  prayer  jneetings,  and  spoke  in 
favor  of  temperance. 


IN         M-       x 

LEATHER 

AND 

SHOE 


CELSO   CESAR   MORENO. 

The  professional  lobbyist,  Celso  Ctesar  Moreno,  well  known 
at  Sacramento  and  Washington,  arrived  in  Honolulu  Novem- 
ber 14,  1879,  on  the  China  Merchants'  Steam  Navigation  Com- 
pany's steamer  ffo-chung,  with  the  view  of  establishing  a  line 
of  steamers  between  Honolulu  and  China.  Soon  afterwards 
he  presented  a  memorial  to  the  Hawaiian  Government  asking 
for  a  subsidy  to  the  proposed  line.  He  remained  in  Hono- 
lulu about  ten  months,  during  which  time  he  gained  unbounded 
influence  over  the  King  by  servile  flattery  and  by  encourag- 
ing all  his  pet  hobbies.  He  told  him  that  he  ought  to  be 
his  own  prime  minister,  and  to  fill  all  Government  offices 
with  native  Hawaiians.  He  encouraged  his  craze  for  a  ten- 
million  loan,  to  be  spent  chiefly  for  military  purposes,  and 
told  him  that  China  was  the  "  treasure  house  of  the  world," 
where  he  could  borrow  all  the  money  he  wanted.  The  King 
was  always  an  active  politician,  and  he  left  no  stone  unturned 
to  carry  the  election  of  1880.  His  candidates  advocated  a  ten- 
million  loan  and  unlimited  Chinese  immigration.  With  Mo- 
reno's assistance  he  produced  a  pamphlet  in  support  of  these 
views,  entitled  "  A  reply  to  ministerial  utterances." 

THE     SESSION     OF     1880. 

In  the  Legislature  of  1880  was  seen  the  strange  spectacle 
of  the  King  working  with  a  pair  of  unscrupulous  adventurers 
to  oust  his  own  constitutional  advisers,  and  introducing  through 


his  creatures  a  series  of  bills,  which  were  generally  defeated 
by  the  ministry. 

Gibson  had  now  thrown  off  the  mask,  and  voted  for  every- 
one of  the  King  and  Moreno's  measures.  Among  their  bills 
which  failed  were  the  ten-million  loan  bill,  the  opium  license 
bill,  the  free-liquor  bill,  and  especially  the  bill  guaranteeing 
a  bonus  of  $1,000,000  in  gold  to  Moreno's  Trans  Pacific  Cable 
Company. 

The  subsidy  to  the  China  line  of  steamers  was  carried  by 
the  lavish  use  of  money  ;  but  it  was  never  paid.  Appropri- 
ations were  passed  for  the  education  of  Hawaiian  youths 
abroad,  and  for  the  coronation  of  the  King  and  Queen. 

At  last  on  the  4th  of  August,  Gibson  brought  in  a  motion 
of  "  want  of  confidence,"  which,  after  a  lengthy  debate,  was 
defeated  by  the  decisive  vote  of  32  to  10.  On  the  14th,  the 
King  prorogued  the  Legislature  at  noon,  and  about  an  hour 
later  dismissed  his  ministers  without  a  word  of  explanation, 
and  appointed  Moreno,  Premier  and  Minister  of  Foreign  Af- 
fairs; J.  E.  Bush,  Minister  of  the  Interior;  W.  C.  Jones,  At- 
torney-General; and  Rev.  M.  Kuaea,  Minister  of  Finance. 

FALL    OF    THE     MORENO    MINISTRY. 

Moreno  was  generally  detested  by  the  foreign  community, 
and  the  announcement  of  his  appointment  created  intense 
excitement. 

For  the  first  time  the  discordant  elements  of  the  foreign  com- 
munity were  united,  and  they  were  supported  by  a  large  propor- 


tion  of  the  natives.  The  three  highest  and  most  influential 
chiefs — Queen  Dowager  Emma,  Ruth  Keelikolani  and  Bernice 
Pauahi  Bishop — joined  in  condemning  the  King's  course. 
Two  mass  meetings  were  held  at  the  Kaumakapili  church,  and 
a  smaller  one  of  foreigners  at  the  old  Bethel  church,  to  pro- 
test against  the  coup  d'etat.  The  diplomatic  representatives 
of  the  United  States,  England  and  France — General  Comly, 
Major  Wodehouse  and  M.  Ratard — raised  their  respective  flags 
over  their  legations,  and  declared  that  they  would  hold  no 
further  official  intercourse  with  the  Hawaiian  Government  as 
long  as  Moreno  should  be  premier.  On  the  side  of  the  King, 
R.  W.  Wilcox,  Nawahi  and  others  harangued  the  natives,  ap- 
pealing to  their  jealousy  of  foreigners.  The  following  mani- 
festo is  a  sample  : 

"  WAY-UP    CELSO     MORENO." 

"  To  all  true-born  citizens  of  the  country,  greeting  :  We 
have  with  us  one  Celso  Caesar  Moreno,  a  naturalized  and  true 
Hawaiian.  His  great  desire  is  the  advancement  of  this  coun- 
try in  wealth,  and  the  salvation  of  this  people,  by  placing 
the  leading  positions  of  Government  in  the  hands  of  the  Ha- 
waiians  for  administration.  The  great  desire  of  Moreno  is  to 
cast  down  foreigners  from  official  positions  and  to  put  true 
Hawaiian*;  in  their  places,  because  to  them  belongs  the  country. 
They  should  hold  the  Government  and  not  strangers.  Posi- 
tions have  been  taken  from  Hawaiians  and  given  to  strangers. 
C.  C.  Moreno  desires  to  throw  down  these  foreigners  and  to 


elevate  to  high  positions  the  people  to  whom  belongs  the  land, 
i.  e.,  the  red  skins.  This  is  the  real  cause  of  jealousy  on  the 
part  of  foreigners,  viz.,  that  Hawaiians  shall  be  placed  above 
them  iu  all  things  in  this  well-beloved  country.  C.  C.  Moreno 
is  the  hsart  from  whence  will  issue  life  to  the  real  Hawaiians." 

After  four  days  of  intense  excitement,  the  King  yielded  to 
the  storm.  Moreno's  resignation  was  announced  on  the  19th, 
and  his  place  filled  ad  interim  by  J.  E.  Bush.  On  the  30th 
Moreno  left  for  Europe,  with  three  Hawaiian  "youths"  under 
his  charge,  viz.,  R.  W.  Wilcox,  a  member  of  the  late  Legis- 
lature,' 26  years  of  age,  Robert  Boyd  and  James  K.  Booth. 
It  was  afterwards  ascertained  that  he  bore  a  Fecret  commis- 
sion as  minister  plenipotentiary  and  envoy  extraordinary  to 
all  the  great  powers,  as  well  as  letters  addressed  to  the  Gov- 
ernments of  the  United  States,  England  and  France,  demand- 
ing the  recall  of  their  representatives.  A  violent  quarrel  had 
broken  out  between  him  and  his  disappointed  rival,  Gibson. 
who  purchased  the  P.  C.  Advertiser  printing  office  with  Gov- 
ernment money.  September  1,  and  conducted  that  paper  thence- 
forth as  the  King's  organ. 

Mr.  W.  L.  Green  was  persuaded  to  accept  the  vacant  place 
of  minister  of  foreign  affairs  September  22.  In  a  few  days 
he  discovered  what  had  been  done,  and  immediately  notified 
the  representatives  of  the  three  powers  concerned  of  the  insult 
that  had  been  offered  them. 

A  meeting  was  held  at  his  office  between  the  foreign  repre- 
sentatives on  the  one  side  and  himself  and  J.  E.  Bush  on  the 


other,  at  which  the  letters  in  question  were  read.  The  result 
was  that  Mr.  Green  resigned  and  compelled  the  resignation 
of  his  colleagues. 

THE    GREEN-CARTER    MINISTRY. 

Mr.  Glaus  Spreckels,  who  arrived  September  5,  took  an  active 
part  in  these  events  and  in  the  formation  of  the  new  minis- 
try, which  consisted  of  \V.  L.  Green,  Minister  of  Foreign  Af- 
fairs; H.  A.  P.  Carter,  Minister  of  the  Interior;  J.  S.  Walker, 
Minister  of  Finance,  and  W.  N.  Armstrong,  Attorney-General. 

Their  first  act  was  to  annul  Moreno's  commission,  and  to  send 
dispatches,  which  were  telegraphed  from  San  Francisco  to 
Washington,  London  and  Paris,  disavowing  the  demands  which 
he  had  sent.  Moreno,  however,  proceeded  on  his  journey  and 
finally  placed  the  Hawaiian  youths,  one  in  a  military  and 
two  in  ,a  naval  school  in  Italy. 

THE     KING'S    TOUR     AROUND    THE    WORLD. 

The  King  immediately  began  to  agitate  his  project  of  a  trip 
around  the  world.  As  it  was  known  that  he  was  corresponding 
with  Moreno,  it  was  arranged  that  Mr.  C.  H.  Judd  should 
accompany  him  as  Chamberlain,  and  Mr.  W.  N.  Armstrong 
as  Commissioner  of  Immigration.  He  was  received  with  royal 
honors  in  Japan,  Siam,  and  Johore.  On  the  King's  arrival  in 
Naples.  Moreno  made  an  audacious  attempt  to  take  possession  of 
His  Majesty  and  dispense  with  his  companions,  but  he  met  with 
more  than  his  match  in  Armstrong.  The  royal  party  visited 


nearly  all  the  capitals  of  Europe,  where  the  King  added  a 
large  number  of  decorations  to  his  collection,  and  took  par- 
ticular note  of  military  matters  and  court  etiquette.  An  Aus- 
trian field  battery  which  took  his  eye,  afterwards  cost  this 
country  nearly  120,000.  During  the  King's  absence  his  sister, 
Mrs.  Dominie,  styled  Liliuokalani,  acted  as  regent.  He  re- 
turned to  Honolulu,  October  29,  1881,  where  he  had  a  mag- 
nificent reception,  triumphal  arches,  torches  blazing  at  noon- 
day, and  extravagant  adulation  of  every  description. 

TRIUMPH     OF    GIBSON. 

During  the  King's  absence  he  had  kept  up  a  correspondence 
with  his  political  workers  at  home,  and  after  his  return  he 
produced  another  pamphlet  in  Hawaiian,  advocating  a  ten- 
million  loan.  Gibson's  paper  had  been  filled  with  gross  flat- 
tery of  the  King  and  of  the  natives,  and  had  made  the  most 
of  the  smallpox  epidemic  of  1881  to  excite  the  populace  against 
the  ministry. 

Just  before  the  election  of  1882,  a  pamphlet  appeared,  con- 
taining a  scathing  exposure  of  his  past  career  (especially  in 
connection  with  the  Mormon  Church),  backed  by  a  mass  of 
documentary  evidence.  Gibson's  only  reply  was  to  point  to 
his  subsequent  election  by  a  large  majority  of  the  native  voters 
of  Honolulu.  Only  two  other  white  men  were  elected  on  the 
islands  that  year.  It  was  the  first  time  that  the  race  issue 
had  superseded  all  other  considerations  with  the  native  elec- 
torate. 


SESSION    OF     1882. 

The  Legislature  of  1882  was  one  of  the  weakest  and  most 
corrupt  that  ever  sat  in  Honolulu.  At  the  opening  of  the 
session  Minister  Carter  was  absent  in  Portugal,  negotiating  a 
treaty  with  the  Government  of  that  country.  It  was  soon 
evident  that  the  Ministry  did  not  control  a  majority  of  the 
House,  but  the  King  did.  After  an  ineffectual  attempt  to 
quiet  Gibson  by  offering  him  the  Presidency  of  the  Board  of 
Health  with  a  salary  of  $4000,  they  resigned  May  19th,  and 
Gibson  became  Premier. 

His  colleagues  were  J.  E.  Bush,  lately  of  Moreno's  cabinet; 
Simon  Kaai,  who  drank  himself  to  death;  and  Edward  Pres- 
ton, Attorney-General,  who  was  really  the  mainstay  of  the 
Cabinet. 

One  of  their  first  measures  was  an  act  to  convey  to  Glaus 
Spreckels  the  crown  lands  of  Wailuku,  containing  some  24,000 
acres,  in  order  to  compromise  a  claim  which  he  held  to  an 
undivided  share  of  the  crown  lands.  He  had  purchased  from 
Ruth  Keelikolani,  for  the  sum  of  $10,000,  all  the  interest 
which  she  might  have  had  in  the  crown  lands  as  being  the 
half-sister  of  Kamehameha  IV.,  who  died  intestate.  Her  claim 
had  been  ignored  in  the  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  and 
the  Act  of  1865,  which  constituted  the  crown  lands.  Instead 
of  testing  her  right  by  a  suit  before  the  Supreme  Court,  the 
Ministry  thought  it  best  to  accept  the  above  compromise,  and 
carried  it  through  the  Legislature. 


The  prohibition  against  furnishing  intoxicating  liquor  to 
natives  was  repealed  at  this  session,  and  the  consequences  to 
the  race  have  been  disastrous.  The  ten-million  loan  bill  was 
again  introduced,  l>ut  was  shelved  in  committee  and  a  two- 
million  loan  act  substituted  for  it.  The  appropriation  bill 
was  swelled  to  double  the  estimated  receipts  of  the  Govern- 
ment, including  $30,000  for  coronation  expenses,  $30,000  for 
Hawaiian  youths  in  foreign  countries,  $10,000  for  a  Board  of 
Genealogy,  besides  large  sums  for  the  military,  foreign  em- 
bassies, the  palace,  etc. 

At  the  last  moment  a  bill  was  rushed  through,  giving  the 
King  sole  power  to  appoint  district  justices,  through  his  cre- 
atures, the  governors,  which  had  formerly  been  done  only  "by 
and  with  the  advice  of  the  Justices  of  the  Supreme  Court." 
This  was  another  step  toward  absolutism.  Meanwhile  Gibson 
defended  the  King's  right  to  be  an  active  politician,  and  called 
him  "  the  first  Hawaiian  King  with  the  brains  and  heart  of 
a  statesman." 

At  the  same  time  it  was  understood  that  Glaus  Spreckels 
backed  the  Gibson  ministry  and  made  them  advances  under 
the  Loan  Act. 

THE     CORONATION. 

Kalakaua  had  always  felt  dissatisfied  with  the  manner  in 
which  he  had  been  sworn  in  as  a  King.  He  was  also  tired 
of  being  reminded  that  he  was  not  a  King  by  birth,  but  only 
by  election.  To  remedy  this  defect  he  determined  to  have 


the  ceremony  performed  over  again  in  as  imposing  a  manner 
as  possible.  Three  years  were  spent  in  preparations  for  the 
great  event,  and  invitations  were  sent  to  all  rulers  and  po- 
tentates on  earth  to  be  present  in  person  or  by  proxy  on  the 
occasion.  Japan  sent  a  commissioner,  while  England,  France 
and  the  United  States  were  represented  by  ships  of  war.  The 
ceremony  took  place  February  12,  1883,  nine  years  after  Ka- 
lakaua's  inauguration.  Most  of  the  regalia  had  been  ordered 
from  London,  viz.,  two  crowns,  a  scepter,  ring  and  sword,  while 
the  royal  feather  mantle,  tabu  stick  and  kahili  or  plumed  staff, 
were  native  insignia  of  rank. 

A  pavilion  was  built  for  the  occasion,  as  well  as  a  tempor. 
ary  amphitheatre  for  the  spectators.  The  Chief  Justice  ad- 
ministered the  oath  of  office  and  invested  the  King  with  the 
various  insignia  This  ceremony  was  boycotted  by  the  high 
chiefs,  Queen  Emma,  Ruth  Keelikolani  and  Mrs.  Bernice  Pau- 
ahi  Bishop,  and  by  a  large  part  of  the  foreign  community,  as 
an  expensive  and  useless  pageant  intended  to  aid  the  King's 
political  schemes  to  make  himself  an  absolute  monarch,  The 
coronation  was  followed  by  feasts,  a  regatta  and  races,  and  by 
a  series  of  nightly  hula  hulas,  i.  e.,  heathen  dances,  accom- 
panied by  appropriate  songs.  The  printer  of  the  coronation 
hula  programme,  which  contained  the  subjects  and  first  lines 
of  these  songs,  was  prosecuted  and  fined  by  the  court  on  ac- 
count of  their  gross  and  incredible  obscenity. 


EMBASSIES,     ETC. 

During  this  year  Mr.  J.  M.  Kapena  was  sent  as  Envoy  Ex- 
traordinary to  Japan,  while  Mr.  C.  P.  laukea,  with  H.  Poor 
as  secretary,  was  sent  to  attend  the  coronation  of  the  Czar 
Alexander  III.  at  Moscow,  and  afterwards  on  a  mission  to 
Paris,  Rome,  Belgrade,  Calcutta  and  Japan,  on  his  way  around 
the  world. 

Kalakaua  was  no  longer  satisfied  with  being  merely  a  King 
of  Hawaii,  but  aspired  to  what  Gibson  termed  the  "  Primacy 
of  the  Pacific."  Captain  Tripp  and  F.  L.  Clarke  were  sent 
as  royal  commissioners  to  the  Gilbert  Islands  and  New  He- 
brides to  prepare  the  way  for  a  Hawaiian  protectorate  ;  and  a 
parody  on  the  "  Monroe  doctrifte  "  was  put  forth  in  a  grand- 
iloquent protest  addressed  to  all  the  great  powers  by  Mr.  Gibson, 
warning  them  against  any  further  annexation  of  the  islands 
in  the  Pacific  Ocean,  and  claiming  for  Hawaii  the  exclusive 
right  ''to  assist  them  in  improving  their  political  and  social 
condition,"  i,  e.,  a  virtual  protectorate  of  the  other  groups. 

THE    HAWAIIAN     COINAGE. 

The  King  was  now  impatient  to  have  his  "  image  and  super- 
scription "  on  the  coinage  of  the  realm,  to  add  to  his  dignity 
as  an  independent  monarch.  As  no  appropriation  had  been 
made  for  this  purpose,  recourse  was  had  to  the  recognized 
"power  behind  the  throne."  Mr.  Glaus  Spreckels  purchased 
the  bullion,  and  arrangements  were  made  with  the  San  Fran- 


Cisco  mint  for  the  coinage  of  silver  dollars  and  fractions  of  a 
dollar,  to  the  amount  of  one  million  dollars'  worth,  to  be  of 
identical  weight  and  fineness  with  the  like  coins  of  the  United 
States.  The  intrinsic  value  of  the  silver  dollar  at  that  time 
was  about  84  cents.  It  was  intended,  however,  to  exchange 
this  silver  for  gold  bonds  at  par  under  the  Loan  Act  of  1882. 
On  the  arrival  of  the  first  installment  of  the  coin  the  matter 
was  brought  before  the  Supreme  Court  by  Messrs.  Dole,  Castle 
and  W.  0.  Smith.  After  a  full  hearing  of  the  case,  the  court 
decided  that  these  bonds  could  not  legally  be  placed  except 
for  par  value  in  gold  coin  of  the  United  States,  and  issued 
an  injunction  to  that  effect  on  the  Minister  of  Finance,  De- 
cember 14,  1883.  The  Privy  Council  was  then  convened,  and 
declared  these  coins  to  be  of  the  legal  value  expressed  on  their 
face,  subject  to  the  legal-tender  act,  and  they  were  gradually 
put  into  circulation.  A  profit  of  $150,000  is  said  to  have  been 
made  on  this  transaction.  * 

THE    FIRST    RECONSTRUCTION    OF    THE    GIBSON    CABINET,    1883. 

Mr.  Gibson's  first  Cabinet  went  to  pieces  in  little  over  a 
year.  Simon  Kaai  was  compelled  to  resign  in  February,  1883, 
from  "chronic  inebriety,"  and  was  succeeded  by  J.  M.  Kapena. 
Mr.  Peterson  resigned  the  following  May  from  disgust  at  the 
King's  personal  intermeddling  with  the  administration,  and 
iA  July  Mr.  Bush  resigned  in  consequence  of  a  falling  out 
with  Mr.  Gibson.  For  some  time  "  the  secretary  stood  alone," 
being  at  once  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  Attorney-General 


and  Minister  of  the  Interior  ad  interim;  besides  being  a  Presi- 
dent of  the  Board  of  Health,  President  of  the  Board  of  Edu- 
cation and  member  of  the  Board  of  Immigration,  with  nearly 
the  whole  foreign  community  opposed  to  him.  The  price  of 
Government  bonds  had  fallen  to  75  per  cent,  with  no  takers, 
and  the  treasury  was  nearly  empty.  At  this  juncture  (August 
6)  when  a  change  of  Ministry  was  looked  for,  Mr.  C.  T.  Gulick 
was  persuaded  to  take  the  portfolio  of  the  Interior,  and  a 
small  loan  was  obtained  from  his  friends.  Then  to  the  sur- 
prise of  the  public,  Colonel  Glaus  Spreckels  decided  to  support 
the  Gibson  Cabinet,  which  was  soon  after  completed  by  the 
accession  of  Mr.  Paul  Neumann. 

THE     LEGISLATURE    OK     1884. 

Since  1882  a  considerable  reaction  had  taken  place  among 
the  natives,  who  resented  the  cession  of  Wailuku  to  Spreckels, 
and  felt  a  profound  distrust  of  Gibson.  In  spite  of  the  war 
cry  "  Hawaii  for  Hawaiians,"  and  'the  lavish  use  of  Govern- 
ment patronage,  the  Palace  party  was  defeated  in  the  elections 
generally,  although  it  held  Honolulu,  its  stronghold.  Among 
the  Reform  members  that  session  were  Messrs.  Dole,  Rowell, 
Smith,  Hitchcock,  the  three  brothers,  Godfrey,  Cecil  and  Frank 
Brown,  Kauhane,  Kalua,  Nawahi,  and  the  late  Pilipo,  of 
honored  memory. 

At  the  opening  of  the  session  the  Reform  party  elected  the 
speaker  of  the  house,  and  controlled  the  organization  of  the 
committees. 


10 


OCEANIC    STl'AMSHIP    CO 


SAN  FRANCISCO  AND  SYDNEY, 


The  report  of  the  Finance  committee  was  the  most  damag- 
ing exposure  ever  made  to  a  Hawaiian  Legislature.  A  resolu- 
tion of  "want  of  confidence"  was  barely  defeated  (June  28) 
by  the  four  Ministers  themselves  voting  on  it. 

THE     SPKECKEI,s'     BANK    CHARTER. 

An  act  to  establish  a  national  bank  had  been  drawn  up  for 
Colonel  Spreckels  by  a  well-known  law  firm  in  San  Francisco, 
and  brought  down  to  Honolulu  by  ex-Governor  Lowe.  After 
"seeing"  the  King,  and  the  usual  methods  in  vogue  at  Sacra- 
mento, the  ex-Governor  returned  to  San  Francisco,  boasting 
that  "  he  had  the  Hawaiian  Legislature  in  his  pocket."  But 
as  soon  as  the  bill  had  been  printed  and  carefully  examined, 
a  storm  of  opposition  broke  out.  It  provided  for  the  issue  of 
a  million  dollars  worth  of  paper  money,  backed  by  an  equal 
amount  of  Government  bonds  deposited  as  security.  The 
notes  might  be  redeemed  in  either  silver  or  gold.  There  was 
no  clause  requiring  quarterly  or  semi-annual  reports  of  the 
state  of  the  bank.  Nor  was  a  minimum  fixed  of  the  amount  of 
cash  to  be  reserved  in  the  bank.  In  fact,  most  of  the  safeguards  of 
the  American  national  banking  system  were  omitted.  Its  notes 
were  to  be  legal  tender  except  for  customs  dues.  It  was  empowered 
to  own  steamship  lines  and  railroads,  and  carry  on  mercantile 
business,  without  paying  license  fees.  It  was  no  doubt  intended 
to  monopolize  or  control  all  transportation  within  the  King- 
dom, as  well  as  the  importing  business  from  the  United  States. 

The    charter    was    riddled    both    in    the   house   and    in    the 


chamber  of  commerce,  and  indignation  meetings  of  citizens 
were  held  until  the  King  was  alarmed,  and  finally  it  was 
killed  on  the  second  reading  by  an  overwhelming  majority. 
On  hearing  of  the  result  the  sugar  king  took  the  first  steamer  for 
Honolulu,  and  on  his  arrival  "the  air  was  blue — full  of  strange 
oaths,  and  many  fresh  and  new"  On  second  thought,  how- 
ever, and  after  friendly  discussion,  he  accepted  the  situation, 
and  a  fair  general  banking  law  was  passed,  providing  for  banks 
of  deposit  and  exchange,  but  not  of  issue. 

THE     LOTTERY     BILL,     ETC. 

At  the  same  session  a  lottery  bill  was  introduced  by  certain 
agents  of  the  Louisiana  company.  It  offered  to  pay  all  the 
expenses  of  the  leper  settlement  for  a  license  to  carry  on  its 
nefarious  business,  besides  offering  private  inducements  to  venal 
legislators.  In  defiance  of  the  public  indignation,  shown  by 
mass  meetings,  petitions,  etc.,  the  bill  was  forced  through  its 
second  reading,  but  was  stopped  at  that  stage  and  withdrawn, 
as  is  claimed,  by  Col.  Spreckels'  personal  influence  with  the 
King. 

Kalakaua's  famous  "  Report  of  the  Board  of  Genealogy  "  was 
published  at  this  session.  An  opium  license  bill  was  killed, 
as  well  as  an  eight-million  dollar  loan  bill,  while  a  num- 
ber of  excellent  laws  were  passed.  Among  these  were  the 
currency  act  and  Dole's  homestead  law.  The  true  friends  of 
the  native  race  had  reason  to  rejoice  that  so  much  evil  had 
been  prevented. 


11 


PRACTICAL    POLITICS     tJNDER    GIBSON. 

During  the  next  few  years  the  country  suffered  from  a  peculi- 
arly degrading  kind  of  despotism.  I  do  not  refer  to  the  King's 
personal  immorality,  nor  to  his  systematic  efforts  to  debauch 
and  heathenize  the  natives  to  further  his  political  ends. 

The  coalition  in  power  defied  public  opinion  and  persistently 
endeavored  to  crush  out  or  disarm  all  opposition,  and  to  turn 
the  Government  into  a  political  machine  for  the  perpetuation 
of  their  power.  For  the  first  time  in  Hawaiian  history  faithful 
officers  who  held  commissions  from  the  Kamehamehas  were 
summarily  removed  on  suspicion  of  "not  being  in  accord"  with 
the  cabinet,  and  their  places  generally  filled  by  pliant  tools. 
A  marked  preference  was  given  to  unknown  adventurers  and 
defaulters  over  natives  and  old  residents.  Even  contracts  (for 
building  bridges,  for  instance)  were  given  to  firms  in  foreign 
countries. 

The  various  branches  of  the  civil  service  were  made  political 
machines,  and  even  the  Board  of  Education  and  Government 
Survey  came  near  being  sacrificed  to  "practical  politics."  All 
who  would  not  bow  the  knee  received  the  honorable  sobriquet 
of  "  missionaries."  The  demoralizing  effects  of  this  regime,  the 
sycophancy,  hypocrisy  and  venality  produced  by  it  have  been 
a  curse  to  the  country  ever  since.  The  Legislature  of  1884 
was  half  composed  of  office-holders,  and  wires  were  skillfully 
laid  to  carry  the  next  election.  Grog  shops  were  now  licensed 
in  the  country  districts,  to  serve  as  rallying  points  for  the 


"National  party."  The  Gibsonian  papers  constantly  labored 
to  foment  race  hatred  among  the  natives  and  class  jealousy 
among  the  whites. 

Fortunately,  one  branch  of  the  Government,  the  Supreme 
Court,  still  remained  independent  and  outlived  the  Gibson  regime. 

THE    ELECTION     OF     1886. 

The  election  of  1886  was  the  most  corrupt  one  ever  held 
in  this  Kingdom,  and  the  last  one  held  under  the  old  regime. 
During  the  canvass  the  country  districts  were  flooded  with 
cheap  gin,  chiefly  furnished  by  the  King,  who  paid  for  it  by 
franking  other  liquor  through  the  Custom  House  free  of  duty, 
and  thereby  defrauding  the  Government  of  revenue  amount- 
ing to  $4749.35.  (See  report  of  Attorney-General  for  1888, 
and  the  case  of  the  King  vs.  G.  W.  Macfarlane,  1888.)  Out 
of  twenty-seven  Government  candidates  twenty-three  were 
office-holders,  one  a  last  year's  tax  assessor  and  one  the  Queen's 
secretary.  A  list  of  them  is  appended  herewith.  There  was 
only  one  white  man  on  the  Government  ticket,  viz.,  the  pre- 
mier's son-in-law. 

LIST    OF    GOVERNMENT    CANDIDATES    FOR    THE     ELECTION    OF    1886 
FOR    REPRESENTATIVES. 


DISTRICT. 

NAME. 

OFFICE. 

HA  WAIL 
N.  Kona 

J.  K.  Nahale 

Tax  Collector. 

S.  Kona.  . 

D.  H.  Nahinu  .  . 

Deoutv  Sheriff  A  Tax  Collector. 

12 


1 1ST    OF    GOVERNMENT    CANDIDATES    FOR    THE    ELECTION     OF    1886 
FOR    REPRESENTATITES. 


DlSTKICT. 

NAME. 

OFFICE. 

HA  WAIL 
Kan 

Kaaeamoku 

Puna 

A.  Kekoa 

Tax  Collector. 

Hilo 

Kaulukou 

Sheriff. 

Hilo       

A.  Pahia             .     .. 

Tax  Collector. 

Hamakua 

K  aunamano 

Tax  Collector. 

Kohala       .... 

Z.  Ealai 

District  Judge. 

MAUL 
Labaina       

L.  Aholo 

Police  Judge. 

Lahaina 

Kia  Nahaolelua 

Tax  Collector. 

1  1  ;i  n;i 

S    W.  Kaai 

District  Judge. 

Makawao    

J.  Kainak*1]*' 

Tax  Collector. 

Wailuku 

Road  Sup'r.  and  Tax  Collector. 

Kaanapali  .  .  

J.  Eaukau  

Deputy  Sheriff*  Tax  Collector. 

MOLOKAI  AND 
LANAI. 

Nakaleka 

Tax  Collector. 

Kupihea 

District  Judge. 

OAHU. 
Honolulu 

F.  H.  Hayselden 

Sec'y  Bd.  Health  &  Tax  Coll'tr. 

Honolulu 

James  Keau 

Poi  Contractor. 

Honolulu     

Lilikalani  . 

Queen's  Secretary. 

Honolulu            .    . 

J.  T.  Baker  

Capt.  King's  Guards. 

Ewa  &  Waianae... 
Koolauloa 

J.  P.  Kama  
Kauahikaua 

District  Judge. 
Tax  Collector. 

Koolaupoko  

P.  Kaulia     

District  Judge. 

Waialua 

J.  Amara 

Deputy  Sheriff  &  Tax  Collector. 

KA  UAL 
Hanalei 

Palohau 

Deputy  Sheriff  &  Tax  Collector. 

Koloa 

T.  K;ilaeone 

Waimea  .  ....... 

E.  Kauai 

District  Judge. 

In  order  to  prevent  Pilipo's  election,  the  King  proceeded  to 
his  district  of  North  Kona,  taking  with  him  a  number  of  sol- 
diers and  attendants  (who  voted  at  the  election),  besides  numer- 
ous cases  of  liquor.  He  took  an  active  part  in  the  canvass, 
and  succeeded  in  defeating  Pilipo  by  a  small  majority.  The 
King's  interference  with  the  election  nearly  provoked  a  riot, 
which  was  averted  by  Pilipo's  strenuous  exertions.  The  matter 
was  investigated  by  a  legislative  committee,  whose  report  is  on 
file.  Mr.  E.  Kekoa,  the  member  elected  from  Puna,  was  after- 
wards tried  and  convicted  of  gross  violations  of  the  election 
laws,  but  the  House  refused  to  declare  his  seat  vacant. 

Only  ten  Reform  candidates  were  elected,  viz.  :  Messrs.  Cecil 
Brown,  W.  R.  Castle,  C.  H.  Dickey,  S.  B.  Dole,  J.  Kauhane, 
A.  Kauhi,  J.  W.  Kalua,  A.  Paehaole,  L.  A.  Thurston  and  J. 
Wight. 

THE    SESSION    OF     1886. 

The  session  of  1886  was  a  long  one,  and  a  vacation  of  two 
weeks  was  taken,  from  July  26  until  August  9,  to  allow  the 
tax  collectors  in  the  Legislature  to  go  home  and  nominally 
perform  the  duties  of  their  office.  About  this  time  certain 
creditors  to  the  Government  in  San  Francisco  brought  pressure 
to  bear  upon  the  Ministry  to  cede  or  hypothecate  the  Hono- 
lulu waterworks  and  part  of  the  wharves  to  a  California 
company.  The  pressure  became  so  great  that  the  Ministers 
opposed  to  the  project  were  requested  by  the  King  to  resign, 
and  a  new  Cabinet  was  formed  June  30,  1886,  consisting  of 


13 


W.  M.  Gibson,  Minister  of  the  Interior ;  R.  J.  Creighton,  a 
journalist,  lately  arrived  from  California,  Minister  of  Foreign 
Affairs  ;  J.  T.  Dare,  another  recent  arrival,  Attorney-General ; 
and  P.  P.  Kanoa,  Minister  of  Finance,  in  place  of  J.  Kapena, 
who  had  succumbed  to  the  same  failing  th&t  had  destroyed 
Simon  Kaai. 

The  two  new  members  of  the  Cabinet  were  respectable  gen- 
tlemen, but  soon  found  themselves  in  a  false  position. 

THE     OPIUM     BILL. 

An  opium-license  bill  was  introduced  towards  the  end  of  the 
session  by  Kaunamano,  one  of  the  King's  tools,  and  after  a 
long  debate  carried  over  the  votes  of  the  Ministry  by  a  bare 
majority.  It  provided  that  a  license  for  four  years  should  be 
granted  to  "some  one  applying  therefor"  by  the  Minister  of 
the  Interior,  with  the  consent  of  the  King,  for  $30,000  per 
annum.  The  object  of  this  provision  was  plainly  seen  at  the 
time,  and  its  after  consequences  were  destined  to  be  disastrous 
to  its  author.  Mr.  Dole  proposed  an  amendment  that  the 
license  be  sold  at  public  auction  at  an  upset  price  of  $30,- 
000,  which,  however,  was  defeated  by  a  majority  of  one, 
only  one  white  man,  F.  H.  Hayselden,  voting  with  the 
majority. 

Another  act  was  passed  to  create  a  so-called  "Hawaiian  Board 
of  Health,"  consisting  of  five  kahunas,  appointed  by  the  King, 
with  power  to  issue  certificates  to  native  kahunas  to  practice 
"  native  medicine." 


THE     LONDON     LOAN. 

The  King  had  been  convinced  that,  for  the  present,  he  must 
forego  his  pet  scheme  of  a  ten-million  loan.  A  two-million 
loan  bill,  however,  was  brought  in  early  in  the  session,  with 
the  view  of  obtaining  the  money  in  San  Francisco.  The  sub- 
ject was  dropped  for  a  time,  then  revived  again,  and  the  bill 
finally  passed  September  1. 

Meanwhile,  the  idea  of  obtaining  a  loan  in  London  was 
suggested  to  the  King  by  Mr.  A.  Hoffnung,  of  that  city,  whose 
firm  had  carried  on  the  Portuguese  immigration.  The  pro- 
posal pleased  the  King,  who  considered  that'  creditors  at  so 
great  a  distance  would  not  be  likely  to  trouble  themselves 
much  about  the  internal  politics  of  this  little  Kingdom.  Mr. 
H.  R.  Armstrong,  of  the  firm  of  Skinner  &  Co.,  London,  visited 
Honolulu  to  further  the  project,  which  was  engineered  by  Mr. 
G.  W.  Macfarlane  in  the  Legislature. 

Two  parties  were  now  developed  in  that  body,  viz.,  the 
Spreckels'  party,  led  by  the  Ministry,  and  the  King's  party, 
which  favored  the  London  loan.  The  small  knot  of  indepen- 
dent members  held  the  balance  of  power. 

The  two  contending  parties  brought  in  two  sets  of  conflict- 
ing amendments  to  the  loan  act,  of  which  it  is  not  necessary 
to  give  the  details.  As  Kaulukou  put  it,  "the  amendment  of 
the  Attorney-General  provides  that  if  they  want  to  borrow 
any  money  they  must  pay  up  Mr.  Spreckels  first.  He  under- 
stood that  the  Government  owed  Mr.  Spreckels  $600,000  or 


14 


$700,000.  He  has  lent  them  money  in  the  past,  and  were 
they  prepared  to  say  to  him,  'We  have  found  new  friends  in 
England ' — to  give  him  a  slap  in  the  face  ?'  " 

On  the  other  side,  Mr.  J.  T.  Baker  "  was  tired  of  hearing 
a  certain  gentleman  spoken  of  as  a  second  King.  As  this 
amendment  was  in  the  interest  of  that  gentleman  he  voted 
against  it."  Allusions  were  also  made  to  the  reports  that  the 
waterworks  were  going  to  be  pledged  to  him.  When  the  de- 
cisive moment  arrived,  the  independents  cast  their  votes  with 
the  King's  party,  defeating  the  ministry  by  23  votes  to  14. 
The  result  was  that  the  cabinet  resigned  that  night,  after 
which  Gibson  went  on  his  knees  to  the  King  and  begged  to 
be  reappointed. 

The  next  morning,  October  14,  to  the  surprise  of  every  one 
and  to  the  disgust  of  his  late  allies,  Gibson  reappeared  in  the 
house  as  premier,  with  three  native  colleagues,  viz.,  Aholo, 
Kanoa  and  Kaulukou.  But  from  this  time  on  he  had  no  real 
power,  as  he  had  neither  moral  nor  financial  backing.  The 
helm  of  state  had  slipped  from  his  hands.  Mr.  Spreckels  called 
on  the  King,  returned  all  his  decorations,  and  shook  off  the 
dust  from  his  feet.  The  Legislature  appropriated  $100,000  for  a 
gunboat  and  $15,000  to  celebrate  the  King's  fiftieth  birthday. 

In  this  brief  sketch  it  is  imposible  to  give  any  idea  of  the 
utter  want  of  honor  and  decency  that  characterized  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  Legislature  of  1886. 

The  appropriation  bill  footed  up  $3,856,755.50,  while  the 
estimated  receipts  were  $2,336,870.42. 


THE  SEQUEL  OF  THE  LONDON  LOAN. 

From  the  report  of  the  Minister  of  Finance  for  1888  we  learn 
that  Mr.  H.  R.  Armstrong,  who  had  come  to  Honolulu  as  the 
agent  of  the  London  syndicate,  was  appointed  agent  of  the 
Hawaiian  Government  to  float  the  loan.  He  was  also  ap- 
pointed Hawaiian  Consul-General  for  Great  Britain,  while 
Mr.A.  Hoffnung,  previously  referred  to,  was  made  Charge 
d'Affaires. 

In  the  same  report  we  find  that  the  amount  borrowed  under 
the  loan  act  of  1886  in  Honolulu  was  $771,800  and  in  London 
$980,000.  Of  the  former  amount  $630,000  was  used  to  extin- 
guish the  debt  owed  to  Col.  Spreckels.  By  the  terms  of  the 
loan  act  the  London  syndicate  was  entitled  to  5  per  cent,  of 
the  proceeds  of  the  bonds  which  they  disposed  of,  as  their  com- 
mission for  guaranteeing  them  at  98  per  cent.  But  it  appears 
that  in  addition  to  this  amount  £15,000,  or  about  $75,000, 
was  illegally  detained  by  them  and  has  never  been  accounted 
for.  The  Legislature  of  1888  appropriated  the  sum  of  $5,000 
to  defray  the  expenses  of  a  lawsuit  against  the  financial  agents, 
to  recover  the  $75,000  thus  fraudulently  retained.  The  matter 
was  placed  in  the  hands  of  Col.  J.  T.  Griffin,  who  advised  the 
Government  that  it  was  not  expedient  to  prosecute  the  case. 
The  $75,000  has  therefore  been  entered  on  the  books  of  the 
treasury  department  as  a  dead  loss.  Since  then  Mr.  H.  R. 
Armstrong's  name  has  ceased  to  appear  in  the  Government 
directory  among  those  of  the  Consuls-General. 


15 


ROYAL     MISRULE. 

As  before  stated,  the  King  now  acted  as  his  own  prime  min- 
ister, employing  Gibson  to  execute  his  schemes  and  defend  his 
follies.  For  the  next  eight  months  he  rapidly  went  from  bad 
to  worse.  After  remaining  one  month  in  the  cabinet  Mr.  Ka- 
ulukou  was  transferred  to  the  Marshal's  office,  while  Mr. 
An  tone  Rosa  was  appointed  Attorney-General  in  his  place  and 
J.  M.  Kapena  made  Collector-General.  The  limits  of  this  brief 
sketch  forbid  any  attempt  to  recount  the  political  grievances 
of  this  period.  Among  the  lesser  scandals  were  the  sale  of 
offices,  the  defrauding  of  the  customs  revenue  by  abuse  of  the 
royal  privilege,  the  illegal  leasing  of  lands  in  Kona  and  Kau  to 
the  King  without  putting  them  up  to  auction,  the  sale  of  exemp- 
tions to  lepers,  the  gross  neglect  of  the  roads,  and  misapplication 
of  road  monev,  particularly  of  the  Queen  street  appropriation. 

Efforts  to  revive  heathenism  were  now  redoubled  under  the 
pretense  of  cultivating  "national"  feeling.  Kahunas  were  as- 
sembled from  the  other  islands  as  the  King's  birthday  ap- 
proached, and  "night  was  made  hideous"  with  the  sound  of 
the  hula  drum  and  the  blowing  of  conchs  in  the  palace  yard. 
A  foreign  fortune  teller  by  the  name  of  Rosenberg  acquired 
great  influence  with  the  King. 

THE    HAI.E   NAUA,  ALIAS   TEMPLE   OF   SCIENCE,    ALIAS    BALL   OF 
TWINE     SOCIETY. 

This  was  founded  September  24,  1886.  A  charter  for  it  was 
obtained  by  the  King  from  the  Privy  Council,  not  without 


difficulty,  on  account  of  the  suspicion  that  was  felt  in  regard 
to  its  character  and  objects.  According  to  its  constitution  it 
was  founded  forty  quadrillions  of  years  after  the  foundation 
of  the  world,  and  twenty-four  thousand  seven  hundred  and 
fifty  years  from  Lailai,  the  first  woman. 

Its  by-laws  are  a  travesty  of  Masonry,  mingled  with  pagan- 
rites.  The  Sovereign  is  styled  Iku  Hai  ;  the  secretary,  Iku 
Lani  ;  the  treasurer,  Iku  Nuu.  Besides  these  were  the  keeper 
of  the  sacred  fire,  the  anointer  with  oil,  the  almoner,  etc. 
Every  candidate  had  to  provide  an  "  oracle,"  a  kauwila  wand, 
a  ball  of  olona  twine,  a  dried  fish,  a  taro  root,  etc.  Every 
member  or  "mamo"  was  invested  with  a  yellow  malo  or  pau 
(apron)  and  a  feather  cape.  The  furniture  of  the  hall  com- 
prised three  drums,  two  kahilis  or  feathered  staffs,  and  two 
puloulous  or  tabu  sticks. 

So  far  as  the  secret  proceedings  and  objects  of  the  society 
have  transpired,  it  appears  to  have  been  intended  partly  as 
an  agency  for  the  revival  of  heathenism,  partly  to  pander  to 
vice,  and  indirectly  to  serve  as  a  political  machine.  Enough 
leaked  out  to  intensify  the  general  disgust  that  was  felt  at  the 
debasing  influence  of  the  palace. 

KALAKAUA'S    JUBILEE. 

The  sum  of  $15,000  had  been  appropriated  by  the  Legisla- 
ture of  1886  towards  the  expenses  of  the  celebration  of  His 
Majesty's  fiftieth  birthday,  which  occurred  November  16, 
1886. 


16 


Extensive  preparations  were  made  to  celebrate  this  memor- 
able occasion,  and  all  office  holders  were  given  to  understand 
that  every  one  of  them  was  expected  to  "hookupu"  or  make 
a  present  corresponding  to  his  station.  At  midnight  preced- 
ing the  auspicious  day  a  salute  was  fired  and  bonfires  were 
lighted  on  Punchbowl  Hill,  rockets  were  sent  up,  and  all  the 
bells  in  the  city  set  ringing. 

The  reception  began  at  6  A.  M.  Premier  Gibson  had  already 
presented  the  King  with  a  pair  of  elephant  tusks  mounted  on 
a  koa  stand  with  the  inscription  :  "  The  horns  of  the  righteous 
shall  be  exalted."  The  Honolulu  police  marched  in  and  pre- 
sented the  King  with  a  book  on  a  velvet  cushion  containing 
a  bank  check  for  $570.  The  Government  physicians,  headed 
by  F.  H.  Hayselden,  Secretary  of  the  Board  of  Health,  pre- 
sented a  silver  box  containing  $1,000  in  twenty  dollar  gold 
pieces.  The  Custom  House  clerks  offered  a  costly  gold-headed 
cane.  All  officials  paid  tribute  in  some  shape.  Several  native 
benevolent  societies  marched  in  procession,  for  the  most  part 
bearing  koa  calabashes.  The  school  children,  the  fishermen 
and  many  other  natives  marched  through  the  throne  room, 
dropping  their  contributions  into  a  box.  It  is  estimated  that 
the  presents  amounted  in  value  to  $8,000  or  $10,000. 

In  consequence  of  the  Hale  Naua  scandal  scarcely  any  white 
ladies  were  seen  at  this  reception.  In  the  evening  the  Palace 
was  illuminated  with  electric  lights,  and  a  torchlight  parade 
of  the  Fire  Department  took  place,  followed  by  fireworks  at 
the  Palace, 


On  the  20th,  the  public  were  amused  by  a  so-called  his- 
torical procession,  consisting  chiefly  of  canoes  and  boats  carried 
on  drays,  containing  natives  in  ancient  costume,  personating 
warriors  and  fishermen,  mermaids  draped  with  sea  moss,  hula 
dancers,  etc.,  which  passed  through  the  streets  to  the  Palace. 
Here  the  notorious  Hale  Naua  or  "Kilokilo"  society  had  mus- 
tered, wearing  yellow  malos  and  pans  or  aprons  over  their 
clothes,  and  marched  around  the  Palace,  over  which  the  yellow 
flag  of  their  order  was  flying. 

On  the  23d  a  luau  or  native  feast  was  served  in  an  exten- 
sive lanai  or  shed  in  the  Palace  grounds,  where  1500  people 
are  said  to  have  been  entertained.  This  was  followed  by  a 
jubilee  ball  in  the  Palace  on  the  25th.  The  series  of  enter- 
tainments was  closed  by  the  exhibition  of  a  set  of  "historical 
tableaux"  of  the  olden  time  at  the  Opera  House,  concluding 
with  a  hulahula  dance,  which  gave  offense  to  most  of  the 
audience.  No  programme  was  published  this  time  of  the  night- 
ly hulahulas  performed  at  the  Palace. 

THE    SAMOAN     EMBASSY. 

In  pursuance  of  the  policy  announced  in  Gibson's  famous 
protest  to  the  other  great  powers,  and  in  order  to  advance 
Hawaii's  claim  to  the  "primacy  of  the  Pacific,"  Hon.  J.  E. 
Bush  was  commissioned  on  the  23d  of  December,  1886,  as 
Envoy  Extraordinary  and  Minister  Plenipotentiary  to  the  King 
of  Samoa  and  the  King  of  Tonga,  and  High  Commissioner  to 


17 


the  other  independent  chiefs  and  peoples  of  Polynesia.  He 
was  accompanied  hy  Mr.  H.  Poor,  as  Secretary  of  Legation, 
and  J.  D.  Strong,  as  artist  and  collector  for  the  Government 
museum.  They  arrived  at  Apia,  January  3d,  1887,  and  were 
cordially  received  by  King  Malietoa  on  the  7th,  when  they 
drank  kava  with  him  and  presented  him  with  the  Grand  Cross 
of  the  Order  of  Oceania.  Afterwards,  at  a  more  private  in- 
terview, Bush  intimated  to  Malietoa  that  he  might  expect  a 
salary  of  $5,000  or  $6,000  under  a  Hawaiian  protectorate.  A 
house  was  huilt  for  the  Legation  at  the  expense  of  the  Ha- 
waiian Government. 

A  convention  was  concluded  February  17th,  between  King 
Malietoa  and  the  Hawaiian  Envoy,  by  which  both  parties  bound 
themselves  "to  enter  into  a  political  confederation,"  which 
was  duly  ratified  by  Kalakaua  and  Gibson,  "subject  to  the 
existing  treaty  obligations  of  Samoa,"  March  20th,  1887. 

"The  signature  was  celebrated,"  says  Robert  Louis  Stevenson, 
"in  the  new  house  of  the  Hawaiian  Embassy  with  some 
original  ceremonies.  Malietoa  came  attended  by  his  ministers, 
several  hundred  chiefs  (  Bush  says  60  ),  two  guards  and  six 
policemen.  Laupepa  (Malietoa),  always  decent,  withdrew  at 
an  early  hour  ;  by  those  that  remained  all  decency  appears 
to  have  been  forgotten,  and  day  found  the  house  carpeted  with 
slumbering  grandees,  who  had  to  be  roused,  doctored  with 
coffee  and  sent  home.  *  *  *  Laupepa  remarked  to  one 
of  the  Embassy,  'If  you  come  here  to  teach  my  people  to  drink, 
[  wish  you  had  stayed  away.' "  The  rebuke  was  without  effect, 


for    still    worse    stories    are  told  of  the  drunken   orgies    that 
afterwards  disgraced  the  Hawaiian  Embassy. 

THE     KAIMILOA. 

.  About  this  time  Mr.  J.  T.  Arundel,  an  Englishman,  engaged 
in  the  copra  trade,  visited  Honolulu  in  his  steamer,  the  K.r- 
plorer,  a  vessel  of  170  tons,  which  had  been  employed  in  ply- 
ing between  his  trading  stations.  The  King  who  was  impatient 
to  start  his  new  navy,  to  maintain  "  Hawaiian  primacy,"  had 
put  the  Reformatory  School  under  the  charge  of  Captain  G. 
E.  Jackson,  a  retired  navigating  lieutenant  in  the  British  navy, 
with  the  view  of  turning  that  institution  into  a  naval  train- 
ing school.  The  old  K.rjilm-cr  was  purchased  for  $20.000,  and 
renamed  the  Kaimilon.  She  was  then  altered  and  fitted  out 
as  a  man-of-war  at  an  expense  of  about  $50,000,  put  into 
commission  March  28th,  and  placed  under  the  command  of 
Captain  Jackson.  The  crew  was  mainly  composed  of  boys 
from  the  Reformatory  School,  whose  conduct,  as  well  as  that 
of  their  officers,  was  disgraceful  in  the  extreme. 

The  Knimiloa  sailed  for  Samoa,  May  18th,  1887.  On  the  pre- 
ceding evening  a  drunken  row  had  taken  place  on  board,  for 
which  three  of  the  officers  were  summarily  dismissed.  The 
after  history  of  the  expedition  was  in  keeping  with  its  begin- 
ning. As  Stevenson  relates:  "The  Kaimilon  was  from  the 
first  a  scene  of  disaster  and  dilapidation,  the  stores  were  sold  ; 
the  crew  revolted  ;  for  a  great  part  of  a  night  she  was  in  the 


18 


hands  of  mutineers,  and  the  Secretary  lay  bound  upon  the 
deck." 

On  one  occasion  the  Knimiloa  was  employed  to  carry  the. 
Hawaiian  Embassy  to  Atua,  for  a  conference  with  Mataafa, 
who  had  remained  neutral,  but  she  was  followed  and  watched 
by  the  German  corvette  Adler.  "  Mataafa  was  no  sooner  set 
down  with  the  Embassy  than  he  was  summoned  and  ordered 
on  board  by  two  German  officers." 

Another  well-laid  plan  to  detach  the  rebel  leader,  Tamasese, 
from  his  German  "  protectors "  was  foiled  by  the  vigilance  of 
Captain  Brandeis.  At  length  Bismarck  himself  was  incensed, 
and  caused  a  warning  to  be  sent  from  Washington  to  Gibson, 
in  consequence  of  which  Minister  Bush  was  recalled  July  7th, 
1887.  Mr.  Poor  was  instructed  to  dispose  of  the  Legation  prop- 
erty as  soon  as  possible,  and  to  send  home  the  attaches,  the 
Government  curios,  etc.,  by  the  Kaimilon,  which  arrived  in 
Honolulu,  September  23d.  She  was  promptly  dismantled,  and 
afterwards  sold  at  auction,  bringing  the  paltry  sum  of  $"2,800. 
Her  new  owners  found  her  a  failure  as  an  inter-island  steamer, 
and  she  is  now  laid  up  in  the  "  naval  row." 

THE     AKI     CASE     OR     OPIUM     SCANDAL. 

The  facts  of  this  case  were  stated  in  the  affidavit  of  Aki, 
published  May  31st,  1887,  and  those  of  Wong  Leong,  J.  S. 
Walker  and  Nahora  Hipa,  published  June  28th,  1887,  as  well 
as  in  the  decision  of  Judge  Preston  in  the  case  of  Loo  Ngawk 


et  at.,  executors  of  the  will  of  T.  Aki  vs.  A.  J.  Cartwright  ei 
al.,  trustees  of  the  King  (Haw.  Rep.,  Vol.  vii.,  p  401). 

I  have  already  spoken  of  the  opium  license  law,  which  was 
carried  by  the  royalist  party  in  the  Legislature  of  1886,  and 
signed  by  the  King  in  spite  of  the  vigorous  protests  from  all 
classes  of  the  community.  As  this  law  had  been  saddled  with 
amendments,  which  rendered  it  nearly  unworkable,  a  set  of  reg- 
ulations was  published  October  15th,  188fi,  providing  for  the 
issue  of  permits  to  purchase  or  use  opium  by  the  Marshal, 
who  was  to  retain  half  the  fee  and  the  Government  the  other 
half. 

The  main  facts  of  the  case,  as  proved  before  the  court,  are 
as  follows  :  Early  in  November,  1886,  one,  Junius  Kaae,  a 
palace  parasite,  informed  a  Chinese  rice-planter  named  Tong 
Kee,  alias  Aki,  that  he  could  have  the  opium  license  granted 
to  him  if  he  would  pay  the  sum  of  $60,000  to  the  King's 
private  purse,  but  that  he  must  be  in  haste  because  other  parties 
were  bidding  for  the  privilege.  With  some  difficulty  Aki  raised 
the  money,  and  secretly  paid  it  to  Kaae  and  the  King  in  three 
instalments  between  December  3d  and  December  8th,  1888.  Soon 
afterwards  Kaae  called  on  Aki  and  informed  him  that  one, 
Kwong  Sam  Kee,  had  offered  the  King  $75,000  for  the  license, 
and  would  certainly  get  it,  unless  Aki  paid  $15,000  more. 
Accordingly  Aki  borrowed  the  amount  and  gave  it  to  the  King 
personally  on  the  llth. 

Shortly  after  this  another  Chinese  syndicate,  headed  by 
Chung  Lung,  paid  the  King  $80,000  for  the  same  object,  but 


19 


took  the  precaution  to  secure  the  license  before  handing  over 
the  money.  Thereupon  Aki,  finding  that  he  had  lost  both  his 
money  and  his  license,  divulged  the  whole  affair,  which  was 
published  in  the  Honolulu  papers.  He  stopped  the  payment 
of  a  note  at  the  bank  for  $4,000,  making  his  loss  $71,000. 
Meanwhile  Junius  Kaae  was  appointed  to  the  responsible  office 
of  Registrar  of  Conveyances,  which  had  become  vacant  by 
the  death  of  the  lamented  Thomas  Brown. 

As  was  afterwards  ascertained,  the  King  had  ordered  a 
$100,000  gunboat  from  England,  through  Mr.  G.  W.  Macfarlane, 
but  the  negotiations  for  it  were  broken  off  by  the  revolu- 
tion. 

On  the  12th  of  April,  1887,  Queen  Kapiolani  and  the  Princess 
Liliuokalani,  accompanied  by  Messrs.  C.  P.  laukea,  J.  H.  Boyd, 
and  J.  O.  Dominis,  left  for  England  to  attend  the  celebration 
of  the  jubilee  held  upon  the  fiftieth  anniversary  of  the  acces- 
sion of  Her  Majesty  Queen  Victoria.  They  returned  on  the 
26th  of  July,  1887. 

THE     REVOLUTION    OF     1887. 

The  exposure  of  the  two  opium  bribes  and  the  appointment 
of  the  King's  accomplice  in  the  crime  as  Registrar  of  Convey- 
ances helped  to  bring  matters  to  a  crisis,  and  united  nearly 
all  tax-payers  not  merely  against  the  King  but  against  the 
system  of  government  under  which  such  iniquities  could  be 
perpetrated. 


In  the  spring  of  1887,  a  secret  league  had  been  formed  in 
Honolulu,  with  branches  on  the  other  islands,  for  the  purpose 
of  putting  an  end  to  the  prevailing  misrule  and  extravagance, 
and  of  establishing  a  civilized  government,  responsible  to  the 
people  through  their  representatives.  Arms  were  imported, 
and  rifle  clubs  sprang  up  all  over  the  islands.  In  Honolulu 
a  volunteer  organization,  known  as  the  "  Rifles,"  wag  increased 
in  numbers,  and  brought  to  a  high  state  of  efficiency  under 
the  command  of  Col.  V.  V.  Ashford.  It  is  supposed  that  the 
league  now  numbered  from  800  to  1,000  men,  while  its  objects 
had  the  sympathy  of  the  great  majority  of  the  community. 
It  was  at  first  expected  that  monarchy  would  then  be  abolished, 
and  a  republican  constitution  was  drawn  up. 

As  the  time  for  action  approached,  the  resident  citizens  of 
the  United  Slates,  Great  Britain  and  Germany  addressed 
memorials  to  their  respective  governments,  through  their  repre- 
sentatives, declaring  the  condition  of  affahs  to  be  intolerable. 
As  is  the  case  in  all  such  movements,  the  league  was  com- 
posed of  average  men,  actuated  by  a  variety  of  motives,  but 
all  agreed  in  their  main  object.  Fortunately,  the  "spoils  wing" 
of  the  party  failed  eventually  to  capture  either  branch  of  the 
Government,  upon  which  a  number  of  them  joined  the  old 
Gibsonian  party  and  became  bitter  enemies  of  reform.  . 

Some  members  of  the  league,  including  Col.  Ashford,  were 
in  favor  of  a  sudden  attack  upon  the  Palace,  but  this  advice 
was  overruled,  and  it  was  decided  to  first  hold  a  public  mass 
meeting,  to  state  their  grievances,  and  to  present  specific  de- 


20 


HONOLULU. 


mands  to  the  King.  Accordingly,  on  the  afternoon  of  the  30th 
of  June,  1887,  all  business  in  Honolulu  was  suspended,  and 
•an  immense  meeting  was  held  in  the  armory,  on  Beretania 
street,  composed  of  all  classes,  creeds,  and  nationalities,  but 
united  in  sentiment  as  never  before  or  since.  The  meeting 
was  guarded  by  a  battalion  of  the  Rifles  fully  armed.  A  set 
of  resolutions  was  passed  unanimously,  declaring  that  the  Gov- 
ernment had  "  ceased  through  incompetency  and  corruption 
to  perform  the  functions  and  to  afford  the  protection  to  per- 
sonal and  property  rights  for  which  all  governments  exist," 
and  demanding  of  the  King  the  dismissal  of  his  cabinet,  the 
restitution  of  the  $71,000  received  as  a  bribe  from  Aki,  the 
dismissal  of  Junius  Kaae  from  the  land  office,  and  a  pledge 
that  the  King  would  no  longer  interfere  in  politics. 

A  committee  of  thirteen  was  sent  to  wait  on  His  Majesty 
with  these  demands.  His  troops  had  mostly  deserted  him, 
and  the  native  populace  seemed  quite  indifferent  to  his  fate. 
He  called  in  the  representatives  of  the  United  States,  Grent 
Britain,  Prance,  and  Portugal,  to  whom  he  offered  to  trans- 
fer his  powers  as  King.  This  they  refused,  but  advised  him  to 
lose  no  time  in  forming  a  new  cabinet  and  signing  a  new  con- 
stitution. Accordingly  he  sent  a  written  reply  the  next  day, 
which  virtually  conceded  every  point  demanded.  The  new 
cabinet,  consisting  of  Godfrey  Brown,  Minister  of  Foreign 
Affairs  ;  L.  A.  Thurston,  Minister  of  the  Interior  ;  W.  L.  Green, 
Minister  of  Finance  ;  and  C.  \V.  Ashford,  Attorney-General, 
was  sworn  in  on  the  same  day,  July  1st,  1887. 


THE    CONSTITUTION    OF     1887. 

As  the  King  had  yielded,  the  republican  constitution  was 
dropped,  .and  the  constitution  of  1864  revised  in  such  a  way 
as  to  secure  two  principal  objects,  viz.,  to  put  an  end  to  auto- 
cratic rule  by  making  the  Ministers  responsible  only  to  the 
people  through  the  Legislature  and  to  widen  the  suffrage  by 
extending  it  to  foreigners,  who  till  then  had  been  practically 
debarred  from  naturalization.  I  have  given  the  details  in 
another  paper. 

Mr.  Gibson  was  arrested  July  1st,  but  was  allowed  to  leave 
on  the  5th  by  a  sailing  vessel  for  San  Francisco.  Threats  of 
lynching  had  been  made  by  some  young  hot  heads,  but  for- 
tunately no  acts  of  violence  or  revenge  tarnished  the  revolu- 
tion of  1887. 

An  election  for  members  of  the  Legislature  was  ordered  to 
he  held  September  12th,  and  regulations  were  issued  by  the  new 
ministry,  which  did  away  with  many  abuses,  and  secured  the 
fairest  election  that  had  been  held  in  the  islands  for  twenty 
years.  The  result  was  an  overwhelming  victory  for  the  Re- 
form^party,  which  was  a  virtual  ratification  of  the  new  con- 
stitution. During  the  next  three  years,  in  spite  of  the  bitter 
hostility  and  intrigues  of  the  King,  the  continual  agitation  by 
demagogues,  and  repeated  conspiracies,  the  country  prospered 
under  the  most  efficient  administration  that  it  had  ever 
known. 


21 


FINAL     SETTLEMENT    OF    THE     AKI     CASE. 

It  has  been  seen  that  on  the  30th  of  June,  1887,  Kalakaua 
promised  in  writing  that  he  would  "cause  restitution  to  be 
made"  of  the  $71,000  which  he  had  obtained  from  Aki,  under 
a  promise  that  he  (  Aki  )  should  receive  the  license  to  sell 
opium,  as  provided  by  the  Act  of  1886. 

The  Reform  cabinet  urged  the  King  to  settle  this  claim 
before  the  meeting  of  the  Legislature,  and  it  was  arranged 
that  the  revenues  from  the  Crown  lands  should  be  appropriated 
to  that  object.  When,  however,  they  ascertained  that  his  debts 
amounted  to  more  than  (250,000  they  advised  the  King  to 
make  an  assignment  in  trust  for  the  payment  of  all  claims 
p'-o  rata.  Accordingly,  a  trust  deed  was  executed  November 
21,  1887,  assigning  all  the  Crown  land  revenues  and  most  of 
the  King's  private  estate  to  three  trustees  for  the  said  pur- 
pose, on  condition  that  the  complainant  would  bring  no  peti- 
tion or  bills  before  the  Legislature,  then  in  session. 

Some  three  months  later  these  trustees  refused  to  approve 
or  pay  the  Aki  claim,  on  which  Aki's  executors  brought  suit 
against  them  in  the  Supreme  Court. 

After  a  full  hearing  of  the  evidence,  Judge  Preston  dojided 
that  the  plea  of  the  defendants  that  the  transaction  1(iKveen 
Aki  and  the  King  was  illegal  could  not  be  entertained,  as  by 
the  constitution  the  King  "could  do  no  wrong,"  and  "could  not 
••be  sued  or  held  to  account  in  any  court  of  the  Kingdom.'' 
Futhermore,  as  the  claimants  had  agreed  to  forbear  present- 


ing their  claim  before  the  Legislature  in  consideration  of  the 
execution  of  the  trust  deed,  the  full  court  ordered  their  claim 
to  V>3  paid  pro  rut  a  with  the  other  approved  claims. 


CHAPTER   II. 

CONTINUATION      OF     THE     SKETCH      OF     HAWAIIAN      POLITICS. —THE 
ROYAL     VETO     QUESTION. 

The  preceding  narrative  ended  with  the  revolution  of  1887, 
which  was  intended  to  put  an  end  to  personal  rule  in  the  Ha- 
waiian Islands,  by  making  the  ministry  responsible  to  the 
people  through  the  legislature,  by  taking  the  power  of  appoint- 
ing the  Upper  House  out  of  the  hands  of  the  Sovereign,  and  by 
making  office-holders  ineligible  to  the  legislature. 

The  remaining  three  years  and  a  half  of  Kalakaua'.s  reign 
teemed  with  intrigues  and  conspiracies  to  restore  autocratic  rule. 
The  Reform  party,  as  has  been  stated,  gained  an  overwhelming 
majority  of  seats  in  the  legislature  of  1887,  and  had  full  control 
of  the  government  until  the  legislative  session  of  1890. 

During  the  special  session,  held  in  November,  1887,  a  contest 
arose  between  the  King  and  the  legislature  in  regard  to  the  veto 
power,  which  at  one  time  threatened  the  public  peace.  The 
question  whether  under  the  new  constitution  the  King  could 


NOTE:-  The  statement  furnished  Col.  Rlouut  cmls  with  tin-  prrrrdiuir  Cliapti-r. 
The  story  will  now  be  continued  to  tne  end  of  the  yetir  1898 


22 


o 

3 
as 

Ed 


exercise  a  personal  veto  against  the  advice  of  his  ministers  or 
not,  was  finally  decided  by  the  Supreme  Court  in  favor  of  the 
Crown.  Judge  Dole  dissenting. 

During  the  succeeding  session  of  1888  the  King  vetoed  a  num- 
ber of  bills,  which  were  all  passed  over  his  veto,  by  a  two-thirds 
vote,  with  the  exception  of  a  bill  to  subsidize  an  experimental 
coffee  plantation. 

CONSPIRACIES. 

The  King's  sister,  the  then  Princess  Liliuokalani,  on  her 
return  from  England,  had  charged  her  brother  with  coward- 
ice, for  signing  the  constitution  of  1887,  and  was  known  to 
be  in  favor  of  the  old  system  of  irresponsible  personal  gov- 
ernment. For  instruments  she  had  not  far  to  seek.  Two  of 
the  Hawaiian  youths  whom  Moreno  had  placed  in  military 
school  in  Italy,  as  before  stated,  had  been  recalled  towards 
the  end  of  1887. 

They  had  been  led  to  expect  high  positions  from  the  Gibson 
government,  and  their  disappointment  was  extreme,  when 
their  claims  were  ignored.  Hence  they  were  easily  induced 
to  lead  a  conspiracy,  which  had  for  its  object  the  abrogation 
of  the  constitution  of  1887,  and  the  restoration  of  the  old 
regime. 

They  endeavored  to  form  a  secret  league,  and  held  meetings 
to  inflame  the  native  mind,  but  without  much  success  at 
first. 


It  is  said  that  the  Household  Troops  were  won  over,  and 
that  the  three  chief  conspirators,  on  one  occasion,  detained 
the  King  in  one  of  the  tower  rooms  in  the  Palace,  and  tried 
to  intimidate  him  into  signing  his  abdication  in  favor  of  his 
sister. 

The  King  parleyed  with  them  to  gain  time,  and  the  affair 
soon  came  to  the  ears  of  the  ministry,  who  had  the  conspira- 
tors examined,  one  by  one,  and  their  statements  taken  down. 
A  mass  of  evidence  was  collected,  which,  however,  was  not 
used  against  them  ;  and  the  leader,  Mr.  R.  W.  Wilcox,  was 
allowed  to  go  to  California;  where  he  remained  about  a  year, 
biding  his  time. 

Meanwhile,  a  secret  organization  was  being  formed  through- 
out the  islands,  and  after  some  progress  had  been  made,  Mr. 
Wilcox  was  sent  for.  He  returned  to  Honolulu  in  April,  1889, 
formed  a  rifle  club,  and  began  to  make  preparations  for  a 
counter  revolution. 

The  meetings  of  the  league  were  held  in  a  house  belonging 
to  the  Princess  Liliuokalani.  At  the  subsequent  trial  it  was 
proved  by  the  defense  that  the  King  had  latterly  come  to  an 
understanding  with  the  conspirators,  whose  object  was  to  re- 
store autocratic  rule. 

Before  light,  on  the  morning  of  July  80th,  1889,  Mr.  Wilcox 
with  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  armed  followers  marched 
from  the  Princess  Liliuokalani's  residence  in  Kapalama  and 
occupied  the  Government  buildings  and  the  palace  grounds. 
No  declaration  of  any  kind  was  made,  as  they  expected  the 


23 


King,  who  had  spent  the  night  at  a  cottage  near  the  seaside, 
to  come  up  and  proclaim  the  old  constitution  of  1804.  The 
Household  troops  in  the  barracks  remained  neutral,  and  the 
palace  was  held  against  the  insurgents  by  Lieut.  Robert  Parker, 
with  thirty  men  by  the  King's  orders.  The  King,  who  did 
not  fully  trust  the  conspirators,  retired  to  his  boat-house  in 
the  harbor  to  await  results.  Meanwhile  the  volunteer  rifle- 
men promptly  turned  out,  and  many  other  citizens  took  up 
arms  for  the  Government.  Patrols  were  set  about  day-light, 
and  a  cordon  formed  later  on,  bo  that  the  insurgents  were 
isolated  from  the  populace  outside.  At  the  request  of  the 
United  States  Minister,  Mr.  Merrill,  a  body  of  marines  was 
landed  and  marched  up  to  the  Legation,  on  the  hotel  prem- 
ises, where  they  remained  during  the  day.  The  insurgents 
brought  over  four  field-pieces  and  ammunition  from  the  bar- 
racks, and  placed  them  around  the  palace. 

The  Ministry  drew  up  a  written  summons  to  them  to  sur- 
render, which  was  served  on  them  at  the  front  palace  gate, 
by  the  Hon.  S.  M.  Damo^  but  they  refused  to  receive  it.  A 
conflict  immediately  commenced  between  them  with  three  of 
their  field -pieces  and  the  Government  sharpshooters,  who  had 
occupied  the  Opera  House  and  some  other  buildings  com- 
manding the  palace  grounds.  The  result  was  that  their  guns 
were  soon  silenced,  and  they  were  driven  with  loss  into  a 
wooden  building  in  the  palace  grounds,  called  the  "  Bungalow," 
where  they  were  besieged  during  the  afternoon.  Towards 
night  a  heavy  rifle  fire  was  opened  upon  them  from  all  sides, 


and  the  roof  of  the  "Bungalow"  burst  in  by  giant- powder 
bombs,  which  forced  them  to  surrender. 

Unfortunately,  this  was  by  no  means  a  bloodless  affair,  as 
seven  of  NVilcox's  deluded  followers  were  killed  and  about  a 
dozen  wounded.  It  was  afterwards  learned  that  10,000  rounds 
of  ammunition  had  been  loaned  by  the  U.  S.  S.  Adams 
during  the  day  to  the  Hawaiian  Government. 

The  chief  conspirators  were  afterwards  put  on  trial  for 
treason,  with  the  result  that  Loomens,  a  Belgian  artillery- 
man, was  found  guilty  and  sentenced  to  imprisonment  for 
life,  while  Mr.  R.  W.  Wilcox  was  acquitted  by  a  native  jury, 
on  the  theory  that  what  he  had  done  was  by  and  with  the 
King's  consent.  He  now  became  a  popular  idol,  and  had 
unbounded  influence  over  the  Honolulu  natives  for  a  time. 
The  Princess  Liliuokalani,  however,  disowned  him,  and  denied 
all  knowledge  of  the  conspiracy.  This  deplorable  affair  was 
made  the  most  of  by  demagogues  to  intensify  race  hatred. 
The  license  allowed  the  native  press  was  almost  incredible. 

THE    PROPOSED    COMMERCIAL    TREATY. 

A  project  of  a  new  commercial  treaty  with  the  United  States 
was  drawn  up  in  the  fall  of  1889  by  the  Ministry  in  con- 
junction with  Hon.  H.  A.  P.  Carter.  Its  terms  provided  for 
complete  free  trade  between  the  two  countries,  the  perpetual 
cession  of  Pearl  Harbor  to  the  United  States,  and  a  guarantee 
of  the  independence  of  the  Kingdom  by  that  power.  In  con- 


24 


The  Company  was  incorporated 
under  a  franchise  from  the  Hawaiian 
Government,  and  are  prepared  to 
furnish  electricity  for  lighting  or 
power,  in  any  quantity. 


POIEE  BUBS  AND  OFFICE, 


HOXOWJLL.  H.I. 


sideration  of  this  guarantee,  the  Hawaiian  Government  was 
to  bind  itself  to  make  no  treaty  witli  any  foreign  power 
without  the  knowledge  of  the  Government  of  the  United 
States. 

By  working  on  the  King's  suspicions,  Mr.  C.  W.  Ashford, 
the  Attorney-General,  induced  the  King  to  refuse  to  sign  the 
preliminary  draft  of  this  treaty.  The  other  members  of  the 
Cabinet  invited  him  to  resign,  which  he  declined  to  do. 

The  question  having  been  brought  before  the  Supreme  Court, 
it  decided  that  the  King  under  the  Constitution  was  bound 
by  the  advice  of  a  majority  of  his  Cabinet.  But  the  Attorney- 
General  advised  the  King  that  this  was  only  an  ex  parte  decision, 
and  encouraged  him  to  defy  the  court.  A  copy  of  the  pro^ 
posed  treaty,  (including  an  article  which  had  been  rejected  by 
the  Cabinet,  and  which  would  have  authorized  the  landing 
of  United  States  troops  in  certain  emergencies),  was  secretly 
furnished  by  the  King  to  a  native  newspaper  for  publication, 
and  the  party  cry  was  raised  that  the  ministry  was  "selling 
the  country"  to  the  United  States. 

THE    SESSION    OF     1890. 

On  account  of  the  circumstances  mentioned  above,  and  of 
dissensions  in  the  Reform  party,  the  combined  elements  in 
opposition  elected  a  majority  of  the  Legislature  of  1890,  and 
on  the  13th  of  June,  1890,  the  Reform  ministry  went  out  of 
office  on  a  close  vote. 


As  the  parties  were  so  nearly  balanced,  a  compromise  cabinet, 
composed  of  conservative  men,  was  appointed  June  17th,  viz., 
Hons.  John  A.  Cummins,  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs;  C.  N. 
Spencer,  Minister  of  the  Interior  ;  Godfrey  Brown,  Minister  of 
Finance  ;  A.  P.  Peterson,  Attorney-General. 

The  King  at  first  tried  to  revive  his  old  project  of  a  ten- 
million  loan  bill  for  military  and  naval  purposes,  but  met 
with  no  encouragement.  He  then  published  a  pamphlet  en- 
titled ''  A  Third  Warning  Voice,"  in  which  he  urged  the 
establishment  of  a  large  standing  arm}7. 

Another  project  advocated  by  the  reactionary  papers  and 
favored  by  the  King,  was  that  of  calling  a  revolutionary  con- 
vention, to  be  elected  by  the  voters  of  the  lower  house,  to 
frame  a  new  constitution,  in  which  the  foreign  element  should 
be  excluded  from  political  power.  With  considerable  diffi- 
culty, and  by  the  exercise  of  much  patience  and  tact,  this 
dangerous  measure  was  defeated,  and  certain  constitutional 
amendments  were  passed  through  the  preliminary  stage.  The 
most  important  of  these  was  one  lowering  the  property  quali- 
fication required  of  electors  for  nobles.  After  a  stormy  session 
of  five  months,  the  Legislature  adjourned  Nov.  14th,  1890, 
without  undoing  the  reforms  made  in  1887. 

ACCESSION    OF     LILIUOKALANI. 


In    order    to    recruit   his    failing    health,    the    King    visited 
California    in    the    United    States   cruiser    Charleston,   as   the 


25 


guest  of  Admiral  Brown,  in  November,  1890.  He  received  the 
utmost  kindness  and  hospitality,  both  in  San  Francisco  and 
in  Southern  California.  His  strength,  however,  continued  to 
fail  in  spite  of  the  best  medical  attendance,  and  on  the  20th 
of  January,  1891,  he  breathed  his  last  at  the  Palace  Hotel 
in  San  Francisco.  His  remains  were  removed  to  the  Charleston 
with  impressive  funeral  ceremonies,  and  arrived  at  Honolulu 
January  29th,  where  the  decorations  for  his  welcome  were 
changed  into  the  emblems  of  mourning. 

In  spite  of  his  grave  faults  as  a  ruler  and  as  a  man,  he 
had  l>een  uniformly  kind  and  courteous  in  private  life,  and 
there  was  sincere  grief  in  Honolulu,  when  the  news  of  his 
death  arrived. 

Serious  apprehensions  were  now  felt  by  many  in  view  of 
the  accession  of  his  sister,  Liliuokalani,  which,  however,  were 
partially  relieved  by  her  promptly  taking  the  oath,  to  main- 
tain the  constitution  of  1887.  Notwithstanding  her  despotic 
ideal  of  government,  and  her  past  record,  there  were  not  a 
few  who  hoped  that  she  had  enough  good  sense  to  under- 
stand her  true  interests,  and  to  keep  her  oath  to  the  con- 
stitution. They  were  destined  to  be  disappointed.  On  the 
morning  of  her  accession,  Mr.  S.  M.  Damon  had  an  inter- 
view with  her,  in  which  he  remarked  that  what  was  needed 
was  a  responsible  ministry.  "  My  ministry,"  she  replied,  "shall 
be  responsible  to  me,"  and  abruptly  closed  the  interview.  She  had 
no  sooner  taken  the  oath,  than  a  constitutional  question  was 
raised  between  her  and  the  existing  cabinet.  On  the  one  side, 


the  cabinet  claimed  that  under  the  constitution  no  power 
could  remove  them  but  the  Legislature.  On  her  side  it  was 
claimed  that  they  were  the  late  King's  cabinet,  and  "  died  with 
the  King."  This  dispute  was  referred  to  the  Supreme  Court, 
which  decided  in  favor  of  the  Queen,  Judge  McCully  dis- 
senting. This  gave  her  an  opportunity  to  exact  conditions 
from  the  incoming  ministers,  and  thus  to  secure  control  of 
the  patronage  of  the  Government. 

The  new  cabinet  appointed  February  2(>th,  1891,  consisted 
of  Hons.  S.  Parker,  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  ;  C.  N.  Spencer, 
reappointed  Minister  of  the  Interior  ;  H.  A.  Widemann,  min- 
ister of  Finance ;  and  W.  '  A.  Whiting,  Attorney-General, 
The  first  condition  exacted  by  the  Queen  of  her  appointees 
was  that  Mr.  C.  B.  Wilson  should  be  appointed  Marshal 
of  the  Kingdom,  with  control  of  the  entire  police  force  of  the 
islands.  It  was  universally  believed  that  he  exercised  as 
much  influence  on  the  administration  of  public  affairs  as  any 
member  of  the  cabinet.  At  the  same  time,  grave  charges  were 
made  against  the  administration  of  his  own  bureau.  The 
Marshal's  office  was  said  to  be  the  resort  of  disreputable 
characters,  while  opium  joints  and  gambling  dens  multiplied 
and  flourished.  The  Marshal  openly  associated  with  such 
adventurers  as  Capt.  Whaley,  of  the  famous  smuggling  yacht 
Halcyon,  and  the  Australian  fugitives  from  justice,  who  visited 
Honolulu  in  the  yacht  Beagle. 

To  put  an  end  to  this  state  of  things,  and  to  other  evils 
growing  out  of  personal  government,  was  one  of  the  chief 


26 


C.  W.  A8HFORD.  J.  E.  BUSH. 

JOHN  RICHARDSON. 


J.  NAWAHI. 


R.  W.  WILCOX. 


objects,  both  of  members  of  the  Reform  party  and  of  the 
so-called  Liberals  in  the  elections  of  1892.  The  death  of 
Gov.  J.  0.  Dominic,  Aug.  27th,  1891,  was  a  misfortune  to  the 
Kingdom,  as  his  influence  had  always  been  exerted  in  favor 
of  constitutional  government. 

THE     EQUAL     RIGHTS     LEAGUE. 

In  the  spring  of  1892,  a  secret  league  was  formed,  headed 
by  Col.  V.  V.  Ashford,  B.  W.  Wilcox,  J.  E.  Bush  and  others, 
for  the  purpose,  as  they  claimed,  of  "promoting  justice  and  equal 
rights  in  the  political  government  of  Hawaii."  Their  objects 
included  the  removal  of  all  property  qualifications  for  election 
of  either  house,  the  abolition  of  monarchy,  and  ultimate  union 
with,  the  United  States.  These  measures  were  then  advocated 
in  a  newspaper  published  by  J.  E.  Bush,  who  afterwards  be- 
came a  royalist.  It  is  stated  that  this  league,  about  May  1st, 
numbered  over  three  hundred  "members,  mostly  natives  and 
half-whites.  There  is  good  reason  to  believe  that  at  the  same 
time  the  Queen's  party  was  preparing  to  promulgate  a  des- 
potic constitutioii  similar  to  that  which  she  afterwards  at- 
tempted to  proclaim  Jan.  14th,  1893.  At  first  they  endeavored 
to  make  use  of  the  equal  rights  league,  both  parties  being 
opposed  for  different  reasons,  to  the  Reform  constitution. 
Their  overtures,  however,  having  been  finally  rejected,  the 
marshal  proceeded  on  the  20th  of  May  to  arrest  the  principal 
members  of  the  league  for  treason  and  conspiracy.  The  result 


of  the  subsequent  trials  was  that  all  were  finally  discharged, 
but  the  weakness  of  the  league  was  exposed,  and  its  leaders 
lost  much  of  their  prestige.  This  revolutionary  movement 
had  not  been  favored  by  the  better  class  of  citizens,  who 
considered  it  uncalled  for,  and  who  had  no  confidence  in  its 
leaders,  most  of  whom  are  now  extreme  royalists.  Their 
dream  seems  to  have  been  one  of  an  unlimited  democracy  in 
which  they  should  hold  the  offices. 

THE     LEGISLATURE    OF     1892. 

For  the  purpose  of  this  sketch  it  is  not  worth  while  to 
give  the  details  of  the  eight-months'  Legislative  session  of 
1892.  L)uring  the  greater  part  of  the  session  the  leaders  of 
the  liberal  party  combined  with  the  reform  party,  (which 
lacked  a  few  votes  of  a  majority),  to  break  the  power  of  the 
palace  party,  allied  as  it  was,  with  the  powerful  opium  and 
lottery  rings.  Three  cabinets  in  succession  were  voted  out, 
because  they  were  considered  to  represent  these  latter  elements, 
and  to  be  in  favor  of  retaining  the  marshal. 

The  lottery  bill  was  introduced  into  the  Legislature  Aug. 
30,  1892.  A  secret  canvass  had  previously  been  made  before 
any  discussion  of  the  measure  had  taken  place,  and  many 
unthinkingly  signed  petitions  in  its  favor,  who  afterwards 
regretted  the  act.  As  soon  as  the  bill  was  printed,  a  power- 
ful opposition  sprang  up  against  it,  and  it  was  shelved,  as 
was  supposed,  forever. 


27 


A  bill  providing  for  a  Constitutional  convention  had  been 
killed 'early  in  the  session.  After  a  struggle  of  four  months 
the  Queen  temporarily  yielded,  and  appointed  a  cabinet  com- 
posed of  conservative  men  of  high  character,  who  possessed 
the  confidence  of  the  country  ;  viz.,  Hons.  Geo.  Wilcox,  Min- 
ister of  the  Interior ;  Mark  Robinson,  Minister  of  Foreign 
Affairs  ;  P.  C.  Jones,  Minister  of  Finance  ;  and  Cecil  Brown, 
Attorney-General.  This  cabinet  distinctly  declared  its  policy 
in  regard  to  the  lottery  bill,  as  well  as  to  "fiat"  paper  money 
and  other  subjects,  but  did  not  choo.se  to  act  on  the  "burn- 
ing question"  6f  the  marshalship  while  the  Legislature  was  in 
session.  Its  course  on  this  point,  and  the  fact  that  the 
liberal  party  was  not  represented  in  it,  so  exasperated  the 
leaders  of  that  party  that  they  joined  hands  with  the  lot- 
tery ring  and  voted  for  measures  which  they  had  previously 
denounced  on  the  floor  of  the  house.  Near  the  end  of  the 
session,  in  the  absence  of  six  of  its  opponents,  the  lottery 
bill  was  suddenly  brought  up,  rushed  through  and  passed, 
to  the  surprise  and  horror  of  the  community,  undoubtedly 
by  lavish  bribery,  only  one  white  man  voting  for  it.  By 
the  same  voters  an  opium  license  bill  was  passed,  and  the 
Wilcox  ministry  was  voted  out  January  12th,  two  days  before 
the  close  of  the  session. 

The  Queen,  by  whose  personal  exertions  the  last  measure 
had  been  carried,  immediately  appointed  a  new  cabinet,  three 
of  whom  had  been  members  of  former  rejected  cabinets,  the 
fourth  being  the  reputed  agent  of  the  lottery  ring  in  pur- 


chasing Legislative  votes.  The  liberal  party  leaders  were 
ignored.  The  cabinet  now  consisted  of  Hons.  S.  Parker, 
Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  ;  W.  Cornwell,  Minister  of  Finance  ; 
Arthur  P.  Peterson,  Attorney-General  ;  and  John  Colburn, 
Minister  of  the  Interior.  The  lottery  and  opium  license  bills 
were  signed  without  further  delay. 

The  public  indignation  was  intense,  but  no  revolutionary 
action  was  yet  thought  of.  The  attempted  coup  d'etat,  which 
was  sprung  upon  the  country  the  next  day,  took  the  com- 
munity by  surprise,  and  found  it  entirely  unprepared.  There 
is  reason,  however,  to  believe  that  the  plot  had  been  deeply 
laid  long  before,  t^  be  executed  at  the  close  of  the  Legislative 
session. 

From  Liliuokalani's  own  published  statement  to  Col.  Blount, 
it  appears  that  she  drafted  a  new  Constitution  in  the  early 
part  of  the  year  1892,  and  in  the  following  October  placed 
it  for  revision  in  the  hands  of  A.  P.  Peterson,  who  kept  it 
for  a  month.  A  week  before  the  close  of  the  session,  she 
asked  him  to  draft  a  preamble  for  it.  She  had  also  received 
assurances  of  support  from  Messrs.  Parker  and  Cornwell. 

The  lottery  was_  expe'cted  by  the  Queen  to  be  a  source  of 
revenue,  which  would  render  her  less  dependent  on  loans. 
It  was  also  expected  that  the  lottery  company,  being  out- 
lawed in  the  United  States,  could  be  relied  upon  to  oppose  any 
movement  looking  towards  annexation. 

The  passage  of  that  bill,  the  removal  of  an  upright  minis- 
try, and  the  unsuccessful  coup  d'etat  of  the  14th  of  January, 


28 


CECIL  BROWN. 

MARK  P.  ROBINSON. 


P   C.  JONES. 


G.  N.  WILCOX. 


were   evidently  all  parts  of  one  plan  to  destroy  honest  con-     to  ascertain  exactly  what   took   place,  or  to  arrange   the  de- 
stitutional  Government  in  Hawaii.  tails  in  their  proper  order. 

The  story  of  the    revolution   which   followed  will   form   the 
subject  of  a  separate  paper.  WARNINGS. 

Although  the  community  in  general  was  entirely  in  the 
dark  as  to  the  intention  of  the  Queen  to  proclaim  a  new 
Constitution,  a  few  persons  had  received  intimations  of  the 
fact. 

From  the  Queen's  written  statement,  fully  corroborated  by 
other  evidence,  it  is  certain  that  all  the  members  of  her  last 
Cabinet  had  accepted  office  with  the  understanding  that  they 
should  sign  her  new  Constitution  and  assist  in  its  promul- 
gation. Mr.  C.  B.  Wilson,  who  was  the  Marshal,  has  stated 
that  she  discussed  the  project  with  him  on  the  8th  of  Jan- 
uary, and  again  on  the  13th,  in  connection  with  the  appoint- 
ment of  the  new  Cabinet,  and  that  on  both  occasions  he  op- 
posed it,  denying  "  its  suitability  and  feasibility  at  the  time." 
On  the  10th  Mr.  Marcus  Colburn  sent  a  warning  to  the 
Wilcox- Jones  Ministry,  through  Mr.  Henry  Waterhouse,  stat- 
ing that  the  Queen  intended  to  promulgate  a  new  Constitu- 
i  tion,  and  that  in  case  she  was  not  able  to  get  the  Wilcox 
Ministry  voted  out,  her  plan  was,  after  the  prorogation  of 
the  Legislature,  to  invite  the  four  Ministers  over  to  the  pal- 
ace and  to  lay  before  them  the  new  Constitution  which  she 
had  prepared,  and  that  if  they  refused  to  sign  it,  they  were 
to  be  made  prisoners. 


CHAPTER     III. 

s 

THE     ATTEMPTED     COUP     D'ETAT     OF      1893,      AND     THE     COUNTER 

REVOLUTION. 

The  closing  acts  of  the  Legislature  of  1892,  narrated  in 
the  last  chapter  had  been  entirely  unexpected  by  the  com- 
munity of  Honolulu.  The  general  feeling  of  indignation  was 
intense,  but  there  was  no  thought  of  any  revolutionary  ac- 
tion, or  of  any  opposition  to  the  existing  Government  except 
within  the  limits  of  the  Constitution. 

The  U.  S.  cruiser  Boston,  Captain  Wiltse,  had  sailed  for 
Hilo,  with  the  U.  S.  Minister,  J.  L.  Stevens,  as  a  passenger, 
on  the  fourth  of  January,  18';;3,  and  was  absent  from  Hono- 
lulu ten  days.  Having  left  the  city  in  apparent  tranquillity, 
Minister  Stevens  returned  about  10  o'clock  on  the  morning 
of  the  fourteenth,  to  find  himself  unexpectedly  in  the  midst 
of  a  revolution. 

The  events  of  that  day  occurred  in  such  rapid  succession, 
attended  by  such  intense  excitement,  that  it  is  difficult  now 


29 


An  unsigned  letter,  written  the  next  day,  undoubtedly  by 
John  Colburn,  and  addressed  to  Mr.  P.  C.  Jones,  contains 
the  following  passage:  "If  you  don't  get  out  of  office,  and 
a  new  Constitution  is  shoved  on  this  country  by  the  Queen,  you 
four  men  and  your  hypocritical  supporters  will  be  to  blame 
for  it,  etc." 

At  a  caucus  of  the  Queen's  party,   held  on  Friday   night, 
the    l?>th,  one  of    the   members,  John  Kaluna  by   name,  said 
that  if  he  could  establish  the  new  Constitution,  he  would  die  ' 
happy,  provided  he  could  kill  a  few  white  men  before  dying. 

Between  10  and  11  o'clock  A.  M.  of  the  14th,  Mr.  John  Col- 
burn  called  at  the  office  of  Mr.  A.  S.  Hartwell,  informed 
him  that  the  Queen  was  determined  to  proclaim  a  new 
Constitution  that  very  afternoon,  and  asked  his  advice.  At 
his  request  Mr.  Hartwell  called  in  Messrs.  L.  A.  Thurston 
and  \V.  O.  Smith,  who  strongly  advised  him  and  his  col- 
leagues to  see  the  Queen  immediately,  and  tell  her  that  the 
Constitution  must  not  be  promulgated,  and  that  if  she  per- 
sisted in  her  design,  it  would  be  the  death-warrant  of  the 
Monarchy  ;  to  refuse  to  countersign  the  new  Constitution, 
and  to  decline  to  resign  if  their  resignations  should  be  de- 
manded ;  if  the  Queen  persisted  in  her  attempt,  to  declare 
her  to  be  in  revolution  against  the  Government,  and  to  call 
upon  the  people  for  support  against  her;  assuring  them  of 
the  united  support  of  the  community  if  this  course  were  followed. 
Mr.  Colburn  then  hurried  back  to  see  the  Queen,  but  failed 
to  see  her  before  the  ceremony  of  prorogation. 

30 


At  the  same  time  Mr.  W.  0.  Smith  called  at  the  Chamber 
of  Commerce,  (which  had  met  to  consider  a  memorial  on 
the  lottery  bill),  and  informed  the  merchants  present  of  the 
impending  crisis.  The  facts  were  also  communicated  to  Cap- 
tain Wiltse,  of  the  Boston,  who  simply  said  that  he  was  here 
for  the  purpose  of  protecting  the  lives  and  property  of  Amer- 
ican citizens,  and  that  he  would  do  it  if  called  upon.  Mr. 
Hartwell  promptly  laid  the  matter  before  Minister  Stevens, 
who  had  just  landed  from  the  Boston.  At  his  suggestion, 
Minister  Stevens  sought  the  co-operation  of  the  British  Com- 
missioner, Major  Wodehouse,  and  they  two  went  together  to 
the  Foreign  Office  to  seek  an  interview  with  the  Queen. 
They  were,  however,  too  late,  the  ceremony  of  prorogation 
having  already  commenced. 

THE      PROROGATION. 

The  ceremony  of  proroguing  the  Legislature  took  place  at 
noon  with  the  usual  pomp  and  display.  The  members  op- 
posed to  the  lottery  had  absented  themselves,  as  did  nearly 
all  the  white  residents  and  most  of  the  Diplomatic  Corps, 
but  the  U.  S.  Consul-General  and  Lieutenant  Young,  of  the 
lioxiott,  were  present.  A  native  political  society  called  the 
"Hui  Kalaiaina,"  about  forty  in  number,  attended,  wearing  broad- 
cloth suits,  with  tall  hats,  and  badges,  and  carrying  banners. 
Immediately  after  the  prorogation,  they  marched  across  the 
street  to  the  Palace,  two  and  two,  headed  by  their  president, 


A.  P.  PETERSON. 


W.  H.  CORNWELL. 
C.  B.  WILSON. 


S.  PARKER. 


Alapai  and  one  John  Akina,  who  "  carried  a  large  flat  package 
in  front  of  his  breast,  suspended  by  ribbons  from  his  shoulders. 
This  was  the  Constitution."  It  had  been  previously  arranged 
by  the  Queen  that  they  should  bring  the  Constitution  which 
she  had  prepared,  and  go  through  the  form  of  asking  her  to 
proclaim  it.  The  members  of  the  Legislature,  the  Diplomatic 
Corps,  and  other  officials  were  invited  over  to  the  Palace  to 
lend  eclat  to  the  intended  Coup. 

THE     CONFERENCE     IN    THE     FOREIGN     OFFICE. 

As  soon  as  the  Queen  had  left  the  Government  building  to 
return  to  the  Palace,  the  four  Ministers,  at  the  request  of 
the  Diplomatic  Corps,  held  an  interview  with  them  in  the 
Foreign  Office.  Major  Wodehouse  asked  them  whether  it  was 
true  that  the  Queen  intended  to  promulgate  a  new  constitu- 
tion that  afternoon,  to  which  Mr.  Parker  replied  that  ''it 
was  a  fact.  He  had  not  seen  the  Constitution,  but  the 
Queen  had  requested  them  to  come  over  and  sign  it."  Major 
Wodehouse  then  inquired  what  course  the  Cabinet  would 
take,  on  which  they  all  assured  him  they  would  not  consent 
to  sign  the  new  Constitution.  Major  Wodehouse  emphati- 
cally said  that  the  Queen  must  not  promulgate  a  new  Con- 
stitution, and  that  if  she  had  any  such  idea  she  must  aban- 
don it.  In  the  course  of  the  conversation  Mr.  Stevens  in- 
quired whether  the  Queen  had  signed  the  lottery  bill.  On 
Mr.  Parker's  replying  in  the  affirmative,  he  asked  again 


whether  the  Cabinet  had  advised  her  to  sign  it.  Mr.  Peter- 
son explained  that  the  Queen  considered  that  the  bill  hav- 
ing passed  the  Legislature,  ehe  ought  to  sign  it,  as  she  h;id 
no  reason  for  vetoing  it,  and  that  the  Cabinet  agreed  with 
her.  Mr.  Stevens  is  reported  to  have  "pounded  his'  cane 
upon  the  floor,"  and  to  have  exclaimed  that  the  passage  of 
that  bill  was  a  direct  attack  upon  the  United  States.  This 
alleged  remark  was  made  a  serious  grievance  of  by  the  Cab- 
inet. The  meeting  then  broke  up  and  the  Cabinet  went  di- 
rectly to  the  Palace,  while  Mr.  Stevens  and  Major  Wode- 
house returned  home. 

THE     SCENE  .IN     THE    PALACE. 

In  the  meantime  a  large  concourse  of  Hawaiians  had  ;is- 
sembled  around  the  Palace  gates,  and  in  the  grounds  near 
the  front  entrance  of  the  building,  while  the  household  troops 
were  drawn  up  in  line  from  the  front  steps  of  the  Palace  to 
the  west  gate,  under  arms,  with  their  belts  'full  of  cartridges. 
In  the  throne-room  the  "Hui  Kalaiaina"  were  drawn  up  in 
regular  lines,  and  their  president,  Alapai,  had  an  address  to 
deliver,  which  he  held  open  in  his  hand.  Besides  these,  most 
of  the  native  members  of  the  Legislature,  Chief-Justice  Judd 
with  Justice  Hickerton,  some  members  of  the  Diplomatic  Corps 
and  other  officials  were  stationed  as  for  a  State  ceremony. 

Meanwhile  a  memorable  scene  was  taking  place  in  the 
blue  room,  to  which  the  Cabinet  had  been  summoned  by  the 


31 


Queen.  On  their  tardy  arrival,  she  at  once  placed  before 
them  a  copy  of  her  new  Constitution,  demanded  their  signa- 
tures, and  declared  her  intention  to  promulgate  it  at  once. 
According  to  his  own  account,  Mr.  Parker  said,  "  Your  Majesty, 
we  have  not  read  that  Constitution,  but  before  we  read  it 
you  must  know  that  this  is  a  revolutionary  act.  It  cannot  be 
done."  An  angry  discussion  followed.  The  Cabinet  spoke  of 
the  meeting  just  held  with  the  foreign  representatives,  of  the 
danger  of  an  uprising,  etc.  She  told  them  that  "  she  would 
not  have  undertaken  such  a  step  if  they  had  not  encouraged 
her."  She  said  "  they  had  led  her  to  the  brink  of  a  preci- 
pice, and  now  were  leaving  her  to  take  the  leap  alone."  She 
also  said,  "  Why  not  give  the  people  this  Constitution  and  I 
will  bear  the  brunt  of  all  the  blame  afterwards."  Mr.  Peter- 
son said,  "  We  have  not  read  this  Constitution,"  on  which 
she  exclaimed,  "  How  dare  you  say  that,  when  you  have  had 
it  in  your  possession  for  a  month?"  She  then  invited  them 
to  resign,  which  they  declined  to  do.  She  went  on  to 
threaten  the  Cabinet  that  unless  they  acceded  to  her  wishes 
she  would  go  upon  the  steps  of  the  Palace  and  tell  the  ex- 
cited mob  that  she  wished  to  give  them  a  new  Constitution, 
but  that  her  Ministers  were  inside,  hindering  her  from  doing 
so.  These  Ministers  well  remembered  the  Court  House  riot 
of  1874,  and  the  fate  of  the  unlucky  representatives  who  then 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  mob.  Before  her  threat  could  be 
put  into  execution,  three  of  the  Ministers  escaped  from  the 
Palace  by  different  exits,  and  repaired  to  their  offices  in  the 


Government  building.  Mr.  Parker  alone  remained  with  the 
Queen,  fearing  that  if  left  «lone,  she  might  sign  the  Con- 
stitution herself,  proclaim  it  from  the  Palace  balcony,  com- 
plaining that  her  Cabinet  and  judges  would  not  comply  with 
her  wishes,  and  tell  the  people  to  look  out  for  them.  Mean- 
while Marshal  Wilson  told  the  Chief-Justice  in  great  emotion 
that  he  had  been  fighting  the  battle  alone  all  the  morning, 
and  that  the  Queen  was  determined  to  carry  out  her  design. 

THE     APPEAL    TO    THE    CITIZENS. 

About  1:30  p.  M.  Mr.  J.  F.  Colburn  came  to  Mr.  W.  0. 
Smith's  office  in  great  excitement,  and  requested  him  to 
come  at  once  to  the  Attorney-General's  office,  in  the  Gov- 
ernment Building,  which  he  did.  Messrs.  Thurston,  Wun- 
denberg,  and  E.  C.  Macfarlane  were  already  there,  and  other 
leading  residents  came  in  afterward.  After  Mr.  Colburn  had 
related  the  occurrence  in  the  Blue  Room,  Mr.  Thurston  spoke 
emphatically,  exhorting  the  Ministers  to  stand  firm,  and  by 
no  means  to  resign,  and  his  views  were  supported  by  all 
who  were  present.  Presently  John  Richardson,  in  the  uni- 
form of  an  officer  of  the  Queen's  staff,  came  over  with  a 
message  from  the  Queen,  requesting  the  three  Ministers  to 
return  to  the  palace.  They  were  advised,  however,  not  to 
go,  as  they  constituted  a  majority  of  the  executive  branch  of 
the  Government  and  might  have  to  assume  a  grave  respon- 
sibility to  prevent  the  overthrow  of  the  existing  Constitution. 


32 


Besides,  Mr.  Colburn  declared  that  their  lives  would  be  in 
danger  if  they  wer>t  back  to  the  Palace  Accordingly  they 
sent  back  by  Mr.  Richardson  a  message  to  Mr.  Parker  to 
come  over  at  once  to  the  Attorney-General's  office,  which  he 
did,  and  the  whole  situation  was  again  discussed. 

In  reply  to  their  request  for  advice,  Mr.  Thurston  pro- 
posed to  them  that  they  should  declare  the  Queen  to  be  in 
revolution  and  the  throne  vacant,  and  with  their  consent 
drew  up  a  form  of  proclamation  to  that  effect,  which  he  says 
was  approved  of  by  two  of  them.  He  also  advised,  that  as 
they  did  not  know  but  that  the  Queen  might  take  immedi- 
ate forcible  action  against  them,  they  should  sign  a  letter 
asking  the  support  of  the  American  Minister,  and  deliver  it 
to  some  third  party,  not  to  be  used  unless  circumstances 
rendered  it  necessary.  The  Ministers  approved  of  the  sug- 
gestion, and  he  immediately  drafted  the  following  letter  : 

"  His  EXCELLENCY  JNO.  L.  STEVENS,  AMERICAN  MINISTER  RES- 
IDENT, AND  CAPT.  G.  C.  WILTSE,  COMMANDER  OF  U.  S.  S. 
BOSTON. 

Gentlemen  : — On  behalf  of  the  Hawaiian  Cabinet,  you  are 
hereby  informed  that  certain  persons,  without  authority  of 
law,  have  prepared  and  caused  to  be  promulgated  a  docu- 
ment purporting  to  be  a  new  Constitution,  subversive  of  the 
rights  of  the  people,  and  contrary  to  the  law  and  Constitution  of 
the  land.  That  such  illegal  action  is  taken  in  the  name  of 
Her  Majesty  Liliuokalani,  and  is  proposed  to  be  supported  by 


force.  That  the  Cabinet  maintain  that  such  action  is  revo- 
lutionary and  treasonable,  and  they  hereby  request  the  as- 
sistance of  the  United  States  troops  to  maintain  order  and 
sxipport  the  Government." 

Mr.  Colburn  states  that  he  did  not  sign  this  letter,  but 
gave  it  over  to  Mr.  Peterson. 

Messrs.  Thurston  and  Smith  then  left  the  building  to  go 
down  town,  but  were  overtaken  at  Richards  street  by  a  mes- 
senger from  the  Cabinet,  requesting  Mr.  Thurston  to  return, 
which  he  did.  He  was  then  asked  by  the  Cabinet  "  to  ascer- 
tain what  support  they  could  expect  from  citizens,  and  in 
their  behalf  to  call  for  armed  volunteers  to  resist  the  Queen." 
He  immediately  went  to  Mr.  W.  0.  Smith's  office,  where  he 
drafted  a  declaration  stating  what  the  Queen  was  attempt- 
ing to  do,  and  pledging  the  armed  support  of  the  signers  to 
the  Cabinet  against  the  Queen,  after  which  he  proceeded, 
with  the  help  of  others,'  to  comply  with  their  request.  This 
document  was  signed  by  over  eighty  persons,  including  Mr. 
Paul  Neumann,  within  an  hour. 

Leading  citizens  of  all  parties  crowded  into  Mr.  W.  0. 
Smith's  office  and  discussed  the  course  to  be  pursued. 

"There  was  but  one  mind  among  all  those  gathered  to- 
gether. An  unanimity  of  sentiment  prevailed  such  as  has 
not  been  witnessed  here  for  years,  and  it  was  agreed,  without 
a  dissenting  voice,  that  it  was  the  duty  of  every  good  citizen, 
without  distinction  of  party,  to  support  the  law  and  the  lib- 


33 


erties   of   the    people,    and    to    resist   the    usurpation    of    the     assembled   in   the   Throne    Room    were   patiently   waiting   to 


Queen." 

Unfortunately  this  paper,  as  well  as  the  minutes '  of  the 
meeting  held  that  afternoon,  have  been  lost.  Mr.  Smith  then 
returned  to  the  Government  building  to  inform  the  Cabinet 
of  the  sentiment  of  the  people. 

Meanwhile  Mr.  Hassinger  had  been  sent  around  to  the 
Diplomatic  representatives,  requesting  them  to  meet  the  Cab- 
inet again  in  the  Foreign  office.  They  came  without  delay, 
and  were  in  consultation  with  them  for  perhaps  half  an  hour. 
According  to  Mr.  Colburn,  they  strongly  advised  the  Cabinet 
to  return  to  the  Palace  and  tell  the  Queen  that  she  must 
abandon  her  project  at  once. 

At  length,  about  2:30  p.  M.,  the  four  Ministers  revisited 
the  Palace,  not  without  fear  that  they  might  be  put  under 
arrest,  even  if  they  suffered  no  bodily  harm. 

Just  after  they  had  left  the  Government  building  they  met 
Mr.  W.  0.  Smith,  who  delivered  to  them  his  message  con- 
cerning the  feeling  of  the  citizens  down  town. 

POSTPONEMENT    OF    THE     COUP    D!ETAT. 

The  second  conference  in  the  Blue  Room  was  a  stormy 
and  protracted  one.  For  hours  the  result  trembled  in  the 
balance.  The  Queen  could  not  wholly  renounce  her  cher- 
ished scheme,  but  finally  consented  with  bitter  reluctance  to 
a  temporary  postponement  of  it.  All  this  time  the  company 


hear  the  Queen's  decision,  while  in  front  of  the  Government 
building  a  crowd  of  spectators  stood  watching  the  Palace 
with  intense  anxiety.  Revolution  seemed  imminent. 

At  length  about  4  p.  M.  the  Queen  returned  to  the  Throne 
Room,  fresh  from  her  contest  with  the  Cabinet,  with  anger 
and  defiance  in  her  looks  and  bearing,  but  controlling  her- 
self by  a  supreme  effort  of  will.  Ascending  the  dais,  she 
made  an  address  in  Hawaiian,  of  which  the  following  is  a 
fair  translation  : — 

"  PRINCES,  NOBLES  AND  REPRESENTATIVES  : 

I  have  listened  to  the  thousands  of  voices  of  my  people 
that  have  come  to  me,  and  1  am  prepared  to  grant  their  re- 
quest. The  present  Constitution  is  full  of  defects,  as  the 
Chief-Justice  here  will  testify,  as  questions  regarding  it  have 
so  often  come  before  him  for  settlement.  It  is  so  faulty  that 
I  think  a  new  one  should  be  granted.  I  have  prepared  one 
in  which  the  rights  of  all  have  been  regarded — a  Constitu- 
tion suited  to  the  wishes  of  the  people.  I  was  ready  and  ex- 
pected to  proclaim  the  new  Constitution  to-day,  as  a  suitable 
occasion  for  it,  and  thus  satisfy  the  wishes  of  my  dear  peo- 
ple. But,  with '  deep  regret,  I  say  that  I  have  met  with 
obstacles  that  prevent  it.  Return  to  your  homes  peaceably 
and  quietly,  and  continue  to  look  toward  me,  and  1  will 
look  toward  you.  Keep  me  ever  in  your  love.  I  am  obliged 
to  postpone  the  granting  of  the  Constitution  for  a  few  days. 


34 


I  must  confer  with  my  Cabinet,  and  whert  after  you  return 
home  you  may  see  it,  receive  it  graciously.  You  have  my 
love,  and  with  sorrow  I  now  dismiss  you." 

Eepresentative  White  replied,  thanking  the  Queen,  and  as- 
assuring  her  of  the  love  of  the  people,  and  that  they  would 
wait  patiently  until  their  desires  should  be  fulfilled,  to 
which  the  Queen  responded  with  thanks  and  left  the  Throne 
Room. 

Representative  Kaunamano  then  began  in  a  loud  voice  an 
inflammatory  harangue  which  was  suppressed.  He  demanded 
the  lives  of  the  members  of  the  Cabinet  who  had  opposed 
the  wishes  of  Her  Majesty,  and  declared  that  he  thirsted  for 
bloodshed. 

A  few  moments  later  the  Queen  went  out  upon  the  upper 
balcony  of  the  Palace  and  addressed  the  crowd,  who  were 
almost  exclusively  natives.  She  told  them  that  on  account 
of  the  perfidy  of  her  Ministers  she  was  unable  to  give  them 
the  Constitution  which  she  had  promised  them,  but  that  she 
would  take  the  earliest  opportunity  of  procuring  it  for  them. 
The  crowd  then  gave  three  cheers. 

The  newspaper  Ka  Leo  o  ka  Lahui,  issued  on  the  morning 
of  the  Kith,  gave  the  text  of  this  latter  speech,  of  which  the 
following  is  a  literal  translation  : — 

"0  ye  people  who  love  the  chief,  I  hereby  say  to  you  that 
I  am  now  ready  to  proclaim  the  new  Constitution  for  my 
Kingdom,  thinking  that  it  would  be  successful ;  but  behold, 
obstacles  have  arisen.  Therefore,  I  say  unto  you,  loving  peo- 


ple, go  with  good  hope,  and  do  not  be  disturbed  or  troubled 
in  your  minds,  because  within  the  next  few  days  now  com- 
ing I  will  proclaim  the  new  Constitution. 

"The  Executive  officers  of  the  law  (the  Cabinet),  knew 
the  errors  in  the  new  Constitution,  but  they  said  nothing. 
Therefore  I  hope  that  the  thing  which  you,  my  people,  so  much 
desire,  will  be  accomplished  ;  it  is  also  my  strong  desire." 

Representative  White  then  proceeded  to  the  front  steps  of 
the  Palace  and  began  an  address.  He  told  the  crowd  that 
the  Cabinet  had  betrayed  them,  and  that  instead  of  going 
home  peaceably,  they  should  go  into  the  Palace  and  kill  and 
bury  them.  Attempts  were  made  to  stop  him  which  he  re- 
sisted, saying  he  would  never  close  his  mouth  until  the  new 
Constitution  was  granted.  Finally  he  yielded  to  the  expostu- 
lations of  Col.  Jas.  H.  Boyd  and  others,  threw  up  his  hands 
and  said  that  he  was  "  pau," — done — for  the  present.  After 
this  the  audience  dispersed  and  the  Hui  Kalaiaina  filed  out, 
appearing  very  much  dejected.  A  few  minutes  later  Messrs. 
Parker  and  Cornwell  came  over  to  the  Government  building 
together,  looking  as  though  they  had  passed  through  a  very 
severe  ordeal.  As  they  entered  the  building  they  were  com- 
plimented by  several  persons  for  the  stand  which  they  had 
made. 

Mr.  Thurston,  who  stood  by,  however,  said,  "  Must  we 
continue  to  live  in  this  way.  with  this  peril  hanging  over 
our  heads,  uncertain  whether  we  may  not  wake  up  any 
morning  and  find  our  liberties  gone."  Meanwhile  a  luau,  or 


35 


banquet  had  been  prepared  Sn  the  basement  of  the  Palace,  to 
which  the  Queen  and  about  forty  guests  sat  down. 

THE    MAIN    FEATURES    OF    THE    QUEEN'S    CONSTITUTION. 

In  a  letter  to  Mr.  S.  M.  Damon,  dated  January  31,  1893, 
the  Queen  declared  that  the  original  of  her  new  Constitution 
and  all  the  copies  thereof  had  been  destroyed.  In  Commis- 
sioner Blount's  report  (pp.  581-590),  however,  appears  a  doc- 
ument, certified  to  by  Messrs.  Parker,  Peterson  and  Corn  well, 
of  her  last  Cabinet,  as  substantially  identical  with  the  one 
she  presented  to  them  on  the  14th  of  January,  1893.  Its 
correctness  is  confirmed  by  a  draft  now  in  the  hands  of  the 
Government,  pattly  written  by  J.  Nawahi,  and  endorsed  on 
the  outside  in  the  Queen's  handwriting.  According  to  this 
document,  the  principal  changes  made  in  it  from  the  Consti- 
tution of  1887,  are  the  following : — 

ARTICLE  42. — "The  Cabinet  shall  hold  during  the  Queen's 
pleasure,  or  until  removed  by  a  vote  of  want  of  confidence 
passed  by  a  majority  of  all  the  members  of  the  Legislative 
assembly."  This  would  restore  to  the  Sovereign  entire  con- 
trol of  the  Cabinet,  as  prior  to  1887,  except  during  sessions 
of  the  Legislature.  The  word  "  elective"  before  "  members  of 
the  Legislative  Assembly"  is  left  out  because  the  Nobles  were 
to  be  appointive.  The  two  vital  changes  in  this  Article  are  both 
ignored  by  Mr.  Blount. 

ARTICLE  56. — "The  Queen  appoints  the  Nobles,   who   shall 


hold  their  appointments  during  life,"  instead  of  being  elected  by 
property-holders.  This  would  give  the  Sovereign  power  to 
appoint  one  half  of  the  Legislature,  and  to  control  that 
branch  of  the  Government  as  before  1887. 

ARTICLE  62.- -"Only  male  subjects  shall  vote."  This  would 
disfranchise  the  whole  body  of  American  and  European  resi- 
dents, who  had  not  become  naturalized,  and  would  give  the 
native  population  entire  control  over  the  election  of  repre- 
sentatives. 

ARTICLE  65. — The  term  of  appointment  of  the  Justices  of 
the  Supreme  Court  was  made  six  years  instead  of  for  life, 
and  the  provision  that  their  "compensation  shall  not  be  di- 
minished during  their  continuance  in  office,"  was  stricken  out. 
Thus  the  independence  of  the  Supreme  Court,  which  had  sur- 
vived all  previous  changes  of  Government,  was  to  be  destroyed. 

ARTICLE  78 — of  the  Constitution  of  1887,  which  declared 
that  "Wherever  by  this  Constitution  any  act  is  to  be  done 
or  performed  by  the  King  or  the  Sovereign,  it  shall,  unless 
otherwise  expressed,  mean  that  such  act  shall  be  done  and 
performed  by  the  Sovereign  by  and  with  the  advice  and  con- 
sent of  the  Cabinet,"  was  stricken  out,  showing  that  the 
Queen  intended  thenceforth  to  govern  as  well  as  to  reign.  In 
fact,  by  this  Constitution  all  power,  practically  unchecked, 
was  to  be  given  to  the  Crown — executive,  legislative  and  ju- 
dicial. Thus  the  Government  was  to  be  transformed  from  a 
Constitutional  to  an  absolute  Monarchy  by  the  arbitrary  fiat 
of  the  Queen. 


36 


THE    ORGANIZATION   OF   THE    COMMITTEE    OF   PUBLIC    SAFETY. 

The  informal  concourse  of  citizens  gathered  at  Mr.  W.  O. 
Smith's  office  awaited  the  result  of  the  Cabinet's  second 
meeting  with  the  Queen.  About  4:30  p.  M.  Messrs.  Peterson 
and  Col  burn  worked  their  way  in  with  difficulty  through  the 
dense  crowd.  Mr.  Colburn  told  the  whole  story  of  their 
struggle  to  prevent  the  Queen  from  proclaiming  the  new 
constitution  that  afternoon,  and  asked  for  the  continued 
support  of  the  community  against  her,  because,  he  said,  "She 
may  do  this  at  any  time."  Other  speeches,  brief  and  reso- 
lute, were  made,  and  the  meeting  organized  itself,  Mr.  H.  E. 
Cooper  being  chosen  chairman  and  W.  O.  Smith  secretary. 
The  feeling  of  uncertainty  and  alarm  was"  intense. \  No  one 
could  tell  what  would  happen  next,  when  the  new  constitution 
would  be  proclaimed,  or  whether  martial  law  might  not  be 
declared  at  any  moment,  and  the  leading  citizens  be  arrested 
before  they  could  organize  resistance.  The  meeting  then 
proceeded  to  appoint  a  Committee  of  Public  Safety  of  thir- 
teen members,  after  which  the  assembly  dispersed. 

The  Committee  of  Safety  immediately  held  its  first  meet- 
ing with  closed  doors.  ''Gentlemen,"  said  one,  "we  are 
brought  face  to  face  with  this  question;  what  shall  we  do?" 
During  the  discussion  which  followed,  /  all  were  convinced 
that  the  Queen's  act  was  revolutionary,  \  that  there  existed 
a  virtual  interregnum,  or  absence  of  lawful  government,  and 


that  in  view  of  her  utter  disregard  of  the  constitution  and 
laws,  it  had  become  necessary  for  the  intelligent  part  of  the 
community  to  organize  in  defence  of  their  rights  and  for  the 
security  of  life  and  property.  A  sub-committee  was  at  once 
appointed  to  ascertain  what  amount  of  arms  and  ammuni- 
tion was  available,  and  to  re-organize  as  soon  as  possible 
the  four  volunteer  rifle  companies  which  had  been  disbanded 
in  1890. 

In  view  of  the  imminence  of  the  danger,  and  the  absence 
of  preparation  for  this  sudden  crisis,  the  questions  were  raised 
whether  protection  should  be  sought  from  the  Government  of 
the  United  States,  and  what  the  attitude  of  its  representatives 
would  be.  Accordingly  another  sub-committee  of  three,  con- 
sisting of  Messrs.  L.  A.  Thurston,  W.  C.  Wilder,  and  H.  F. 
Glade,  was  appointed  to  wait  upon  the  U.  S.  Minister,  to 
ascertain  from  him  what  assistance,  if  any,  could  be  expected 
from  the  U.  S.  cruiser  Boston,  and  to  report  to  the  full 
Committee  the  next  morning.  It  was  then  moved  by 
iMr.  L.  A.  Thurston  "That  preliminary  steps  be  taken  at 
once  to  form  and  declare  a  Provisional  Government  with  a 
view  to  Annexation  to  the  United  States." '.  The  serious- 
ness of  such  a  step  was  fully  admitted  by  all  but  it 
was  the  unanimous  opinion  that  some  such  action  was  neces- 
sary, and  the  Committee  adjourned  about  6  p.  M.,  to  meet 
the  following  (Sunday)  morning  at  the  residence  of  Mr.  W. 
R.  Castle. 


37 


THE    INTERVIEW     BETWEEN     THE     SUB-COMMITTEE     AND     MINISTER 

STEVENS. 

The  above  mentioned  sub-committee  called  upon  Mr. 
Stevens,  the  U.  S.  Minister,  about  7  o'clock  the  same  even- 
ing and,  having  explained  the  situation  to  him,  inquired 
what  the  attitude  of  the  U.  S.  forces  would  be.  fHis  reply 
was  that  "the  United  States  troops  on  board  of  the  Boston 
would  be  ready  to  land  at  any  moment  to  prevent  the  de- 
struction of  life  or  property  of  American  citizens,  and  that 
as  to  the  matter  of  establishing  a  Provisional  Government, 
he,  of  course,  would  recognize  the  existing  government,  what- 
ever it  might  be.y 

Mr.  Thurgton  informed  Mr.  Stevens  that  the  proposition  of 
establishing  a  Provisional  Government  was  under  considera- 
tion, and  in  case  it  should  be  carried  out,  he  asked  Mr. 
Stevens  what  his  attitude  would  be.  Mr.  Stevens  replied 
that  whatever  government  was  established  and  actually  in 
possession  of  the  city,  and  that  was  a  de  facto  government, 
proclaiming  itself  as  a  government,  would  necessarily  have 
to  be  recognized. 

THE    CONFERENCE    HELD    SATURDAY    EVENING. 


A  number  of  leading  citizens  met  at  Mr.  Thurston's  house 
at  8  P.  M.  to  discuss  the  situation  and  to  make  some  plans 
for  a  Provisional  Government,  in  case,  the  extreme  measure 
of  dethroning  the  Queen  should  finally  be  deemed  necessary.' 
Among  others,  Messrs.  W.  R.  Castle,  A.  S.  Hartwell,  S.  B. 
Dole,  C.  L.  Carter,  W.  0.  Smith,'  and  F.  W.  Wundenberg 
were  present. 

Mr.  Thurston  reported  the  result  of  his  interview  with 
Minister  Stevens.  Under  strong  excitement  it  was  arranp-<l 
that  different  persons  present  should  commence  drafting 
papers.  Mr.  Castle  undertook  to  draft  a  preliminary  histor- 
ical statement  which  would  serve  as  a  preamble.  Mr.  Thurs- 
ton was  to  work  upon  the  subject  of  the  form  of  a  Pro- 
visional Government.  Messrs.  Hartwell  and  Dole  were  not 
yet  prepared  to  take  part  in  the  movement.  During  the 
evening  Mr.  Wundenberg  reported  that  he  had  not  been  able 
to  find  arms  for  more  than  sixty  men.  Soon  after  this  a 
German  organization,  numbering  about  eighty,  nick-named 
the  "  Drei  Hundert,"  offered  their  services  and  their  arms  to 
the  Committee,  The  meeting  continued  until  a  late  hour. 

SUNDAY,  JANUARY  15,  1893. 
THE  OFFER  MADE  TO  COI-BURN  AND  PETERSON. 


The  Marshal  was  fully  informed  of  what  was  going  on,  Sunday  was  a  day  of  preparation  on  both  sides.  Kurly 
but  contented  himself  with  closing  the  saloons  at  9  P.  M.,  on  Sunday  morning  (6:30  A.  M.),  Mr.  Thurston  called  upon 
and  putting  on  an  extra  police  force  during  the  night.  Messrs.  Colburn  and  Peterson  with  a  proposition  from  the 

88 


AND  INSURANCE  AGENTJ, 


Committee  of  Safety  that  the  Cabinet  should  take  the  lead 
of  the  movement  to  depose  the  Queen  and  establish  a  Pro- 
visional Government/  He  also  renewed  the  proposal  that 
the  Cabinet  should  sign  a  request  to  Minister  Stevens  to  have 
troops  landed  from  the  Boston  in  order  to  assist  them  in 
maintaining  order.  At  their  request  he  gave  the  names  of 
the  members  of  the  Committee  of  Safety.  They  asked  for 
twenty-four  hours  in  which  to  consider  the  matter,  to  which 
Mr.  Thupston  replied  that  the  Committee  of  Safety  would 
not  wait,  but  would  proceed  independently  to  carry  out  their 
programme  if  the  Cabinet  did  not  take  the  lead. 

After  his  departure  they  sent  for  Messrs.  Parker  and  Corn- 
well  and  consulted  with  them.  Later  in  the  day,  Marshal 
Wilson  being  alarmed  by  the  reports  brought  in  by  his  detec- 
tives from  all  quarters,  requested  the  Cabinet  to  meet  him  at 
the  Station  House.  After  he  had  been  informed  of  Mr.  Thurs- 
ton's  interview  with  Colburn  and  Peterson,  he  proposed  to 
swear  out  warrants  forthwith  for  the  arrest  of  the  Committee 
of  Safety.  To  this  Mr.  Peterson  objected,  stating  that  their 
arrest  might  lead  to  a  collision  with  the  United  States  troops, 
who,  he  said,  would  be  landed  in  any  case.  Marshal  Wil- 
son, however,  appears  to  have  been  quite  willing  to  test  the 
question  as  to  whether  they  would  interfere  or  not.  It  was 
then  agreed  that  they  should  ascertain  from  Minister  Stevens 
himself  whether  he  would -assist  the  Committee  of  Safety 
with  the  forces  on  the  Boston,  and  also  seek  advice  from  certain 
influential  residents  who  were  friendly  to  the  Queen.  The 


same  forenoon  (Sunday),  the  Queen  held  a  meeting  at  the 
Palace,  and  charged  the  native  pastors  present  to  pray  for 
her,  as  evil-minded  foreigners  were  endeavoring  to  deprive 
her  of  her  throne.  It  is  evident  also  that  during  the  day 
she  became  reconciled  with  her  Ministers,  at  least  for  the 
time. 

THE    SECOND    MEETING     OF    THE     COMMITTEE    OF     SAFETY. 

The  Committee  of  Thirteen  met  at  W.  R.  Castle's  residence 
at  9  A.  M.  and  remained  in  session  until  noon.  After  re- 
ceiving reports  from  their  committees,  they  decided  to  call  a 
mass  meeting  of  citizens  to  meet  at  2  p.  M.  of  the  next  day 
(Monday),  at  the  old  armory  on  Beretania  street,  in  order  to 
ascertain  the  real  sentiments  of  the  community.  It  was  de- 
cided to  make  a  report  at  that  time,  and  then  to  ask  the 
meeting  to  confirm  the  appointment  of  the  Committee  of 
Safety,  and  to  give  it  full  authority  to  take  whatever  steps 
might  be  necessary  to  secure  the  rights  of  the  people  from 
further  aggression.  If  public  opinion,  as  manifested  at  the 
mass  meeting,  should  demand  the  abrogation  of  the  Mon- 
archy, it  would  be  necessary  that  the  Committee  should  be 
fully  prepared  to  car,ry  out  such  demand.  The  work  of 
organization  and  preparation  was  therefore  actively  continued. 
The  general  form  which  the  Provisional  Government  should 
take  was  reported  on  by  Mr.  Thurston.  (^A  committee  was 
appointed  to  prepare  papers  and  secure  speakers  for  the  mass 


39 


meeting,  and   the  call    for    it    was    printed    and    posted    that 
same  (Sunday)  afternoon. 

THE    POSTER. 

"  A  mass  meeting  of  citizens  will  be  held  at  the  Beretania 
street  armory  on  Monday,  January  16,  at  2  p.  M.,  to  consider 
the  present  critical  situation.  Let  all  business  places  be 
closed.  PER  ORDER  OF  COMMITTEE  OF  SAFETY. 

Honolulu,  January  15,  1893." 

After  the  meeting  adjourned,  about  1  p.  M.,  Messrs.  Thurs- 
ton  and  Smith  called  again  ut>on  the  American  Minister  and 
informed  him  of  what  was  going  on.  While  Mr.  Stevens 
gave  them  assurance  of  his  purpose  to  protect  life  and  prop- 
erty, he  emphasized  the  fact  that  he  could  not  recognize  any 
government  until  actually  established.  /He  repeated  the 
statement  that  the  United  States  troops,  if  landed,  would  not 
take  sides  with  either  party,  but  would  protect  the  property 
and  lives  of  American  citizens. 

PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE  QUEEN'S  PARTY  SUNDAY  AFTERNOON. 

i 

About  1:30  p.  M.  of  that  Sunday,  the  Cabinet  held  a  con- 
sultation in  the  Foreign  Office  with  several  gentlemen  of  con- 
servative character,  viz.:  Messrs.  F.  A.  Schaefer,  J.  0.  Carter, 
S.  M.  Damon,  W.  M.  Giffard,  S.  C.  Allen  and  E.  C.  Mac- 


farlane,  who  had  come  at  their  request.  Mr.  Peterson  in- 
formed them  of  the  proposition  made  to  himself  and  Col- 
burn  that  morning  by  Mr.  Thurston.  He  asked  whether  it 
would  be  expedient  for  the  Cabinet  to  apply  to  the  U.  S. 
Minister  for  assistance  in  maintaining  the  authority  of  the 
Queen's  government.  They  inquired  whether  the  Government 
was  able  to  suppress  any  uprising,  to  which  he  replied  that 
the  Government  had  ample  force  to  meet  any  emergency 
that  might  arise.  If  so,  Mr.  Carter  advised  the  Cabinet  by 
no  means  to  request  the  landing  of  the  United  States  troops. 
A  remark  by  Mr.  Damon  gave  rise  to  a  discussion  as  to  the 
possibility  of  their  landing  without  such  a  request.  The 
question  was  then  asked  whether  the  Queen  had  abandoned 
the  idea  of  proclaiming  a  new  Constitution,  to  which  Mr. 
Parker  replied  in  the  affirmative.  All  were  agreed  that  in 
that  case  the  Queen  and  Cabinet  should  unite  in  issuing  a 
proclamation  giving  the  public  satisfactory  assurance  on  that 
point.  In  fact,  Mr.  Carter  had  already  drafted  a  declaration 
to  that  effect.  • 

Notice  was  afterward  sent  to  Messrs.  Thurston  and  Smith 
that  the  Cabinet  would  'like  to  meet  a  committee  of  five 
from'  the  Committee  of  Safety  the  next  morning. 

The  same  evening,  about  7:30  o'clock,  Messrs.  Parker  and 
Peterson  called  upon  Minister  Stevens,  to  ascertain  from  him 
"what  stand  he  would  take  in  behalf  of  his  Government,  in 
the  event  of  an  armed  insurrection  against  the  Queen's  gov- 
ernment." 


40 


There  is  a  conflict  of  testimony  in  regard  to  what  passed, 
and  nothing  was  put  in  writing  at  the  time.  It  seems  to 
be  certain,  however,  that  Mr.  Stevens  declined  to  promise 
assistance  to  the  Queen  in  such  an  event.  On  the  subject 
of  landing  troops,  he  appears  to  have  uniformly  maintained 
a  diplomatic  reserve. 

Later  on,  about  8:30  P.  M.,  the  Cabinet  met  again  at  the 
Attorney-General's  office,  Messrs.  C.  B.  Wilson,  Paul  Neu- 
mann, E.  C.  Macfarlane,  R.  W.  Wilcox,  C.  T.  Gulick,  Dr. 
Trousseau,  A.  Rosa,  and  others  being  present.  Mr.  Peterson 
related  his  interview  with  the  U.  S.  Minister,  and  the  sub- 
ject of  the  landing  of  United  States  troops  was  again  dis- 
cussed. 

Marshal  Wilson  made  a  report  on  the  available  forces 
at  the  command  of  the  Government,  and  proposed  that 
martial  law  be  proclaimed,  and  that  the  Committee  of  Safety 
be  arrested  at  once,  but  Messrs.  Neumann  and  Peterson  both 
opposed  such  action  on  the  ground  that  it  might  precipi- 
tate a  conflict,  which  they  should  at  all  hazards  avoid.  It 
was  then  decided  to  call  a  counter  mass  meeting  of  loyal 
Hawaiians  at  Palace  Square,  to  take  place  at  the  same 
time  as  the  other,  and  a  committee  was  appointed  to  draw 
up  resolutions  and  prepare  a  programme  for  the  occa- 
sion. 

The  same  evening  part  of  the  Committee  of  Safety  met  at 
Mr.  Thurston's  house,  where  their  work  was  further  ar- 
ranged, and  the  different  parts  of  it  were  assigned. 


MONDAY,  JANUARY  16,  1893. 

THE   QUEEN'S   RETRACTION. 

On  Monday  morning  about  half-past  eight,  Mr.  Parker 
took  the  declaration  (which  had  been  originally  drafted  by 
Mr.  J.  O.  Carter),  to  the  Queen  aud  persuaded  her  to  sign 
it,  but  not  without  omissions  and  changes  which  greatly  im- 
paired its  effect.  It  was  then  signed  by  her  Ministers  and 
printed  and  circulated  through  the  city  about  11  A.  M.  It 
was  as  follows  : — 

[    BY     AUTHORITY.    ] 

Her  Majesty's  Ministers  desire  to  express  their  appreciation 
for  the  quiet  and  order  which  has  prevailed  in  this  com- 
munity since  the  events  of  Saturday,  and  are  authorized  to 
say  that  the  position  is  taken  by  Her  Majesty  in  regard  to 
the  promulgation  of  a  new  Constitution,  was  under  the  stress 
of  Her  native  subjects. 

Authority  is  given  for  the  assurance  that  any  changes  de- 
sired in  the  fundamental  law  of  the  land  will  be  sought 
only  by  methods  provided  in  the  Constitution  itself. 

Her   Majesty's  Ministers  request  all   citizens   to   accept  the 


41 


assurance  of  Her  Majesty   in   the  same  spirit  in  which  it  is 
given. 

(Signed),  LILIUOKALANI. 

SAMUEL  PARKKR, 

Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs. 

W.    H.    CoRNWELL, 

Alinister  of  Finance. 
JOHN  F.  COLBURN, 

Minister  of  the  Interior. 
A.  P.  PETERSON, 

Attorney-  General. 
IOLANI  PALACE,  January   16th,   1893. 

This  retraction,  however,  cam'e  to  late  to  save  the  Mon- 
archy. It  was  looked  upon  by  many  as  a  humiliating  evi- 
dence of  panic  upon  the  part  of  the  Queen's  government. 
Her  intrigues  during  Kalakaua's  reign,  and  her  course  in  re- 
gard to  the  lottery  bill,  had  already  destroyed  all  confidence 
in  her  word,  while  little  reliance  was  placed  on  the  integrity 
or  firmness  of  her  Cabinet.  She  has  since  then  plainly  shown 
that  she  never  forgave  her  Ministers  for  their  disobedience  on 
the  14th  ^of  January,  1893,  nor  ever  gave  up  the  hope  of 
realizing  her  ideal  of  government. 

The  same  morning  she  sent  for  S.  M.  Damon  and  asked 
his  advice.  He  recommended  that  she  should  call  in  the 
diplomatic  representatives  of  the  great  powers  and  consult 
with  them  without  delay. 


THIRD    MEETING    OF     THE    COMMITTEE     OF    SAFETY. 

The  Committee  of  Safety  met  at  9  o'clock  on  Monday 
morning  in  Mr.  Thurston's  law  office,  over  Bishop's  bank. 
Soon  afterward  Marshal  Wilson  came  into  the  office  and 
called  Mr.  Thurston  into  an  adjoining  room  for  a  private 
interview.  Their  conversation  was  substantially  as  fol- 
lows :  — 

Mr.  Wilson  said  he  wished  the  mass  meeting  to  be  stopped. 
Mr.  Thurston  replied  "  It  can't  be  stopped  ;  it  is  too  late." 
Mr.  Wilson  said  that  the  Queen  had  abandoned  her  idea  of 
promulgating  a  new  'Constitution,  and  that  a  proclamation  to 
that  effect  was  about  to  be  issued.  To  this  Mr,  Thurston 
replied,  "What  guarantee  have  we  that  this  will  not  happen 
again  ?  It  is  like  living  on  a  volcano  ;  there  is  no  telling 
when  it  will  break  out."  Mr.  Wilson  replied,  ''I  will  guar- 
antee that  she  will  not  attempt  it  again,  even  if  I  have  to 
lock  her  up  to  keep  her  from  doing  it."  Thurston  said, 
"Suppose  you  were  to  die  to-night,  what  then  ?  We  are  not 
willing  to  accept  that  guarantee  as  sufficient.  This  thing 
has  gone  on  from  bad  to  worse  until  \ve  are  not  going  to 
stand  it  any  longer.  We  mean  to  take  no  chances  in  the 
matter,  but  to  settle  it  now,  once  for  all."  Mr.  Wilson  ex- 
pressed his  regret  that  they  could  not  agree  on  any  compro- 
mise, and  left  the  office.  He  immediately  proceeded  to  enlist 
volunteers  and  special  constables,  and  proposed  to  the  Attor- 


42 


ney-General  to  arrest  the  Committee  of  Safety  at  once,  but 
was  refused  permission  to  do  so. 

A  sub-committee  of  five,  consisting  of  Messrs.  W.  C.  Wil- 
der, C.  Bolte,  F.  W.  McChesney,  J.  A.  McCandless  and  H. 
Waterhouse,  was  sent  about  10  A.  M.  to  confer  with  the  Cabi- 
net, at  their  request,  in  the  Foreign  Office.  The  Ministers 
showed  them  the  proclamation  signed  by  themselves  and  the 
Queen,  promising  that  she  would  not  renew  her  attempt  to 
abrogate  the  Constitution,  and  claimed  that  this  ought  to  be 
a  final  settlement  of  the  controversy.  The  committee  asked 
why  the  Ministry  had  called  a  mass  meeting  for  2  o'clock 
at  Palace  Square,  to  which  Mr.  Parker  replied,  "to  draw  the 
crowd  away  from  your  meeting." 

They  then  returned  and  reported  to  the  Committee  of  Safety, 
which  continued  in  session  till  noon,  with  many  interruptions. 

The  reports  brought  in  by  those  who  had  been  canvassing 
for  volunteers,  showed  that  no  half-way  measure,  such  as  a 
Regency,  would  stand  any  chance  of  success.  The  general 
demand  was  for  a  Provisional  Government,  looking  toward 
annexation  to  the  United  States  as  its  ultimate  goal. 

Although  Mr.  Thurston  was  ill,  it  was  decided  that  he 
should  open  the  mass  meeting,  and  that  Mr.  W.  C.  Wilder 
should  act  as  its  chairman. 

THE    REQUEST     FOR    THE     LANDING     OF     TROOPS. 

Many  warnings  and  threats  of  house  burning  and  other 
outrages  had  been  reported  to  the  committee,  and  it  was  de- 


cided to  request  the  U.  S.  Minister  to  cause  troops  to  be 
landed  for  the  protection  of  life  and  property.  It  was  feared 
by  many  that  during  the  expected  conflict  for  the  possession 
of  the  Government  buildings,  lawless  outrages  might  be  per- 
petrated in  other  quarters  of  the  city. 

Accordingly,  a  request  of  the  residents  to  Minister  Stevens 
for  the  landing  of  United  States  troops  which  had  been  drawn 
up,  was  signed  by  the  Committee  of  Safety. 

Certain  unsuitable  passages  in  it  were  stricken  out,  but 
inadvertently  the  last  sentence,  (which  as  coming  from  the 
Committee  of  Safety  was  inconsistent  with  the  facts),  was 
allowed  to  remain. 

A  number  of  copies  of  the  same  were  type-written  and 
taken  to  the  mass  meeting  to  be  circulated  there  for  signa- 
tures, which  plan,  however,  was  not  carried  out.  During  the 
mass  meeting  the  copy  signed  by  the  Committee  was  taken 
to  Minister  Stevens.  It  was  as  follows : — 

HONOLULU,  JANUARY  16,  1893. 

To   His   EXCELLENCY   JOHN   L.   STEVENS,   AMERICAN   MINISTER 
RESIDENT. 

Sir : — We,  the  undersigned,  citizens  and  residents  of  Hono- 
lulu, respectfully  represent  that  in  view  of  recent  public 
events  in  this  Kingdom,  culminating  in  the  revolutionary 
acts  of  Queen  Liliuokalani  on  Saturday  last,  the  public 


48 


safety  is  menaced  and  lives  and  properly  are  in  peril,  and 
we  appeal  to  you  and  the  United  States  forces  at  your  com- 
mand for  assistance. 

The  Queen,  with  the  aid  of  armed  force,  and  accompanied 
by  threats  of  violence  and  bloodshed  from  those  with  whom 
she  was  acting,  attempted  to  proclaim  a  new  Constitution, 
and  while  prevented  for  the  time  from  accomplishing  her 
object,  declared  publicly  that  she  would  only  defer  her 
action. 

This  conduct  and  action  was  upon  an  occasion  and  under 
circumstances  which  have  created  general  alarm  and  terror. 

We  are  unable  to  protect  ourselves  without  aid,  and  there- 
fore pray  for  the  protection  of  the  United  States  forces. 
(Signed),  HENRY  E.  COOPER, 

F.    W.    McG'HESNEY, 

W.  C.  WILDER, 

C.    BOLTE, 

A.  BROWN, 
W.  0.  SMITH, 
HENRY  WATERHOUSE, 
THEO.  F.  LANSING, 
ED.  SUIIK, 
L.  A.  THURSTON, 
JOHN  EMMELUTH, 
\V.  R.  CASTLE, 

J.    A.    McCANDLESS, 

Citizens'  Committee  of  Safety. 


(  From  "  Two  Weeks'  of   Hawaiian    History.") 
THE     MASS     MEETING     AT     THE     ARMORY. 

At  2  p.  M.,  Monday,  January  16,  the  Honolulu  Rifles'  Arm- 
ory was  the  scene  of  the  largest  and  most  enthusiastic  mass 
meeting  ever  held  in  Honolulu.  It  was  called  by  the  Com- 
mittee of  Public  Safety  for  the  purpose  of  protesting  against 
the  revolutionary  aggressions  of  the  Queen.  As  the  time  ap- 
proached all  business  was  suspended,  shops  were  closed,  and 
but  one  subject  was  talked  of.  At  half-past  one  citizens  be- 
gan to  asi-emble,  and  before  two  o'clock  the  large  building 
was  crowded  to  its  utmost  capacity,  1260  being  present  by 
actual  count,  while  many  others  came  later.  Every  class  in 
the  community  was  fully  represented,  mechanics,  merchants, 
professional  men  and  artisans  of  every  kind  being  present  in 
full  force.  The  meeting  was  intensely  enthusiastic,  being 
animated  by  a  common  purpose  and  feeling,  and  most  of 
the  speakers  were  applauded  to  the  echo.  Hon.  W.  C.  Wilder, 
of  the  Committee  of  Safety,  was  the  chairman. 

Mr.  Wilder  said  :  Fellow  citizens,  I  have  been  requested 
to  act  as  chairman  of  this  meeting.  Were  it  a  common 
occurrence,  1  should  consider  it  an  honor,  but  to-day  we  are 
not  here  to  do  honor  to  anybody.  I  accept  the  chairmanship 
of  this  meeting  as  a  duty.  (Applause.)  We  meet  here  to- 
day as  men — not  as  any  party,  faction  or  creed,  but  as  men 
who  are  bound  to  see  good  government.  It  is  well  known 


44 


to  you  all  what  took  place  at  the  Palace  last  Saturday.  I 
need  not  tell  you  the  object  of  this  meeting,  and  no  such 
meeting  has  been  held  since  1887.  There  is  the  same  reason 
now  as  then.  An  impromptu  meeting  of  citizens  was  called 
Saturday  to  take  measures  for  the  public  safety.  The  report 
of  the  committee  will  be  read  to  you.  We  do  not  meet  as 
revolutionists,  but  as  peaceful  citizens  who  have  the  right 
to  meet  and  state  their  grievances.  (Loud  applause.)  We 
will  maintain  our  rights,  and  have  the  courage  to  maintain 
them.  (Universal  cheers.) 

Mr.  Thurston  being  introduced  by  the  chairman,  read  the 
following 

REPORT    OF    THE     COMMITTEE     OF    SAFETY. 

To  the  Citizens  of  Honoluht : 

On  the  morning  of  last  Saturday,  the  14th  instant,  the 
city  was  startled  by  the  information  that  Her  Majesty  Queen 
Liliuokalani  had  announced  her  intention  to  arbitrarily  pro- 
mulgate a  new  Constitution,  and  that  three  of  the  newly- 
appointed  Cabinet  Ministers  had  resigned,  or  were  about  to 
resign,  in  consequence  thereof. 

Immediately  after  the  prorogation  of  the  Legislature  at 
noon  the  Queen,  accompanied  by  her  orders,  by  the  Cabinet, 
retired  to  the  Palace.  The  entire  military  force  of  the  Gov- 
erment  was  drawn  up  in  line  in  front  of  the  building,  and 


remained  there  until  dark,  and  a  crowd  of  several  hundred 
native  sympathizers  with  the  new  Constitution  project  gath- 
ered in  the  throne  room  and  about  the  Palace.  The  Queen 
then  retired  with  the  Cabinet. :  informed  them  that  she  in- 
tended to  promulgate  it,  and  proposed  to  do  so  then  and 
there,  and  demanded  that  they  countersign  her  signature. 

She  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  their  statements  and  protests  that 
the  proposed  action  would  inevitably  cause  the  streets  of 
Honolulu  to  run  red  with  blood,  and  threatened  that  unless 
they  complied  with  her  demand,  she  would  herself  imme- 
diately go  out  upon  the  steps  of  the  Palace  and  announce 
to  the  assembled  crowd  that  the  reason  she  did  not  give 
them  the  new  Constitution  was  because  the  Ministers  would 
not  let  her.  Three  of  the  Ministers,  fearing  mob  violence, 
immediately  withdrew  and  returned  to  the  Government 
building.  They  were  immediately  summoned'  back  to  the 
Palace  but  refused  to  go,  on  the  ground  that  there  was  no 
guarantee  of  their  personal  safety. 

The  only  forces  under  the  control  of  the  Government  are 
the  Household  Guards  and  the  police.  The  former  are  nom- 
inally under  the  control  of  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs, 
and  actually  under  the  control  of  their  immediate  com- 
mander, Major  Nowlein,  a  personal  adherent  of  the  Queen. 

The  police  are  under  the  control  of  Marshal  Wilson,  the 
open  and  avowed  royal  favorite.  Although  the  Marshal  is 
nominally  under  the  control  of  the  Attorney-General.  Her 
Majesty  recently  announced  in  a  public  speech  that  she  would 


45 


not  allow  him  to  be  removed.  Although  the  Marshal  now 
states  that  he  is  opposed  to  the  Queen's  proposition,  he  also 
states  that  if  the  final  issue  arises  between  the  Queen  and 
the  Cabinet  and  people,  he  will  support  the  Queen. 

The  Cabinet  was  absolutely  powerless  and  appealed  to 
citizens  for  support. 

Later  they  reluctantly  returned  to  the  Palace,  by  request 
of  the  Queen,  and  for  nearly  two  hours  she  again  endeavored 
to  force  them  to  acquiesce  in  her  desire,  and  upon  their  final 
refusal,  announced  in  a  public  speech  in  the  throne  room, 
and  again  from  the  upper  gallery  of  the  Palace,  that  she 
desired  to  issue  the  Constitution  but  was  prevented  from 
doing  so  by  her  Ministers,  and  would  issue  it  in  a  few  days. 

The  citizens  responded  to  the  appeal  of  the  Cabinet  to  re- 
sist the  revolutionary  attempt  of  ths  Queen,  by  gathering  at 
the  office  of  William  O.  Smith. 

Later  in  the  afternoon  it  was  felt  that  bloodshed  and  riot 
were  imminent ;  that  the  community  could  expect  no  pro- 
tection from  the  legal  authorities  ;  that,  on  the  contrary, 
they  would  undoubtedly  be  made  the  instruments  of  royal 
aggression.  An  impromptu  meeting  of  citizens  was  held, 
which  was  attended  by  the  Attorney-General,  and  which 
was  addressed,  among  others,  by  the  Minister  of  the  Interior, 
J.  F.  Colburn,  who  stated  to  the  meeting  substantially  the 
foregoing  facts. 

The  meeting  unanimously  passed  a  resolution  that  the 
public  welfare  required  the  appointment  of  a  Committee  of 


Public  Safety,  of  thirteen,  to  consider  the  situation  and  de- 
vise ways  and  means  for  the  maintenance  of  the  public 
peace  and  the  protection  of  life  and  property. 

Such  a  committee  was  forthwith  appointed  and  has  fol- 
lowed its  instructions. 

The  first  step  which  the  committee  consider  necessary  is 
to  secure  openly,  publicly  and  peaceably,  through  the  me- 
dium of  a  mass  meeting  of  citizens,  a  condemnation  of  the 
proceedings  of  the  party  of  revolution  and  disorder,  and  a 
confirmation  from  such  larger  meeting  of  the  authority  now 
vested  in  the  committee. 

For  such  purpose  the  committee  hereby  recommends  the 
adoption  of  the  following 

RESOLUTION  : 

1.  WHEREAS    Her    Majesty    Lilinokalani,    acting    in    con- 
junction with  certain  other  persons,  has  illegally  and  uncon- 
stitutionally,   and    against    the    advice    and    consent    of    the 
lawful    executive    officers    of    the    Government,    attempted    to 
abrogate  the  existing  Constitution  and   proclaim    a   new  one 
in   subversion  of  the  rights  of  the  people  ; 

2.  AND    WHEREAS    such    attempt    has   been    accompanied 
by    threats    of    violence   and     bloodshed    and    a    display    of 
armed    force;    and    such    attempt    and    acts   and    threats   are 
revolutionary   and   treasonable   in    character ; 

3.  AND    WHEREAS    Her    Majesty's   Cabinet   have   informed 


46 


her  that  such  contemplated  action  was  unlawful  and  would 
lead  to  bloodshed  and  riot,  and  have  implored  and  de- 
manded of  her  to  desist  from  and  renounce  such  proposed 
action  ; 

4.  AND     WHEREAS    such    advice    has    been    in    vain,   and 
Her  Majesty  has  in  a  public  speech  announced  that  she  was 
desirous   and    ready    to    promulgate    such    Constitution,    the 
same  being  now   ready  for  such   purpose,   and   that  the  only 
reason    why    it    was    not    now    promulgated    was    because   she 
had  met  with  unexpected  obstacles  and  that  a  fitting  oppor- 
tunity in    the   future    must    be    awaited    for    the   consumma- 
tion  of  such  object,  which   would  be  within  a   few  days  ; 

5.  AND    WHEREAS    at    a    public   meeting  of  citizens  held 
in    Honolulu   on   the    14th   day   of   January,  instant,  a  Com- 
mittee of  Thirteen,  to  be  known  as  the 

"  COMMITTEE     OF     PUBLIC    SAFETY," 

was  appointed  to  consider  the  situation  and  to  devise  ways 
and  means  for  the  maintenance  of  the  public  peace  and 
safety  and  the  preservation  of  life  and  property  ; 

6.  AND   WHEREAS   such    Committee    has   recommended  the 
calling   of  this   mass    meeting   of    citizens   to   protest   against 
and    condemn    such    action    and    has   this   day   presented    a 
report  to  this    meeting   denouncing  the   action  of  the  Queen 
and    her    supporters    as    being    unlawful,    unwarranted ;     in 
derogation    of   the    rights    of    the  people ;    endangering    the 


peace  of  the  community,  and  tending  to  excite  riot,  and 
cause  the  loss  of  life  and  destruction  of  property  ; 

Now,  THEREFORE,  WE,  the  Citizens  of  Honolulu  of  all 
nationalities  and  regardless  of  political  party  affiliations,  do 
hereby  condemn  and  denounce  the  action  of  the  Queen  and 
her  supporters  ; 

AND  WE  DO  HEREBY  ratify  the  appointment  and  endorse 
the  action  taken  and  report  made  by  the  said  Committee 
of  Safety  and  we  do  hereby  further  empower  such  com- 
mittee to  further  consider  the  situation  and  further  devise 
such  ways  and  means  as  may  be  necessary  to  secure  the 
permanent  maintenance  of  law  and  order  and  the  protection 
of  life,  liberty  and  property  in  Hawaii. 

MR.  THUHSTON  said  in  substance:  Mr.  Chairman:  Hawaii 
is  a  wonderful  country.  We  are  divided  into  parties  and 
nationalities  and  factions,  but  there  are  moments  when  we 
are  united  and  move  shoulder  to  shoulder,  moved  by  one 
common  desire  for  the  public  good.  Three  times  during 
the  past  twelve  years  this  has  happened — in  1880,  1887  and 
to-day.  They  say  it  is  ended,  it  is  done,  there  is  nothing  to 
consider.  Is  it  so?  (Calls  of  No!  No!)  I  say  gentlemen, 
that  now  and  here  is  the  time  to  act.  (Loud  cheers.)  The 
Queen  says  she  won't  do  it  again.  (Cries  of  humbug!) 
Fellow  citizens,  have  you  any  memories?  Hasn't  she  once 
before  promised — sworn  solemnly  before  Almighty  God  to 
maintain  this  Constitution  ?  What  is  her  word  worth? 
(Calls  of  Nothing!  Nothing!)  It  is  an  old  saying  that  a 


47 


royal  promise  is  made  to  be  broken.  Fellow  citizens,  re- 
member it.  We  have  not  sought  this  situation.  Last  Satur- 
day the  sun  rose  on  a  peaceful  and  smiling  city;  to-day  it 
is  otherwise.  Whose  fault  is  it?  Queen  Liliuokalani's.  It  is 
not  her  fault  that  the  streets  have  not  run  red  with  blood. 
She  has  printed  a  proclamation  expressing  her  repentance 
for  what  she  has  done — and  at  the  same  time — perhaps  sent 
out  by  the  same  carriers — her  organ  prints  an  extra  with 
her  speech  with  bitterer  language  than  that  quoted  in  the 
Advertiser.  She  wants  us  to  sleep  on  a  slumbering  volcano, 
which  will  some  morning  spew  out  fire  and  destroy  us  all. 
The  Constitution  gives  us  the  right  to  assemble  peacefully 
and  express  our  grievances.  We  are  here  doing  that  to-day 
without  arms.  The  man  who  has  not  the. spirit  to  rise  after 
the  menace  to  our  liberties  has  no  right  to  keep  them.  Has 
the  tropic  sun  thinned  our  blood,  or  have  we  flowing  in  our 
veins  the  warm,  rich  blood  which  makes  men  love  liberty 
and  die  for  it  ?  I  move  the  adoption  of  the  resolution. 
(Tumultuous  applause.) 

MK.  H.  F.  GLADE  :  The  Queen  has  done  an  unlawful 
thing  in  ignoring  the  constitution  which  she  had  sworn  to 
uphold.  We  most  decidedly  protest  against  such  revolu- 
tionary proceedings,  and  we  should  do  all  we  possibly  can 
to  prevent  her  from  repeating  actions  which  result  in  dis- 
order and  riot.  We  now  have  a  promise  from  the  Queen 
that  such  proceedings  as  we  experienced  on  Saturday  shall 
not  occur  again.  But  we  should  have  such  assurances  and 


guarantees  for  this  promise  as  will  really  satisfy  us  and 
convince  us  of  the  faith  and  earnestness  of  the  promise 
given,  of  which  we  now  have  no  assurance.  What  such 
guarantees  and  assurances  ought  to  be  I  cannot  at  this 
moment  say  or  recommend.  This  should  be  referred  to  the 
Committee  of  Safety  for  their  careful  consideration.  I  second 
the  motion. 

MR.  A.  YOUNG,  in  addressing  the  meeting,  spoke  as  fol- 
lows :  Mr.  Chairman  and  fellow  citizens — In  June,  1887,  I 
stood  on  this  same  platform  and  addressed  an  audience  al- 
most as  large  as  the  one  now  before  me.  At  that  time  we 
had  met  to  consider  a  resolution  that  looked  toward  a  new 
constitution,  which  proposed  constitution  was  considered  the 
most  effectual  method  of  removing  some  flagrant  abuses  in 
governmental  affairs  practiced  by  the  King  and  his  Cabinets 
prior '  to  the  time  that  the  constitution  was  promulgated. 
To-day  we  have  met  to  consider  the  action  of  Her  Majesty 
in  attempting  to  set  aside  the  constitution  we  all  worked  so 
hard  to  have  promulgated,  in  the'  best  interests  of  the  sov- 
ereign and  the  people  at  large,  as  well  as  for  the  redemption 
of  the  credit  of  the  kingdom  abroad.  It  has  long  been 
reported  that  at  some  favorable  opportunity  the  Queen  would 
spring  a  new  constitution  upon  the  people  and  place  mat- 
ters even  more  in  the  hands  of  the  sovereign  than  they  were 
before  the  revolution  of  1887.  Some  did  not  believe  the 
rumors,  but  the  actions  of  the  Queen  in  the  last  few  days 
have  convinced  the  most  skeptical  that  the  rumors  were  well 


48 


founded,  and  that  she  had  been  pregnant  with  this  unborn 
constitution  for  a  long  time,  but  it  could  not  be  born  till 
under  the  propitious  star.  The  Queen's  kahunas,  together 
with  her  would-be  advisers  had  no  doubt  told  her  that  the 
auspicious  time  for  the  advent  had  arrived.  In  trying  to 
promulgate  this  long-promised  constitution,  the  Queen  has 
therefore  premeditatedly  committed  a  breach  of  faith  with 
one  portion  of  her  subjects,  in  order  to  satisfy  the  clamors  of 
a  faction  of  natives  urged  by  the  influence  of  a  mischievous 
element  of  foreigners  who  mean  no  good  to  the  Queen  or 
the  people,  but  simply  for  the  purpose  of  providing  avenues 
for  carrying  out  more  perfectly  the  smuggling  of  opium  and 
diverting  the  contents  of  the  treasury  into  their  own  pockets. 
A  "  By  Authority "  circular  has  now  been  handed  around 
setting  forth  that  the  Queen  and  her  Cabinet  had  decided 
not  to  press  the  promulgation  of  a  new  Constitution,  but 
can  we  depend  on  this  promise  of  Her  Majesty?  Is  this 
promise  any  more  binding  upon  her  thnn  the  oath  she  took 
before  the  Almighty  God  to  support  and  maintain  the  pre- 
sent Constitution?  Has  not  the  Queen  resorted  to  very 
questionable  methods  in  an  underhanded  way  to  remove 
what,  to  the  people,  was  one  of  the  most  acceptable  Cabinets 
ever  commissioned  by  any  sovereign  in  this  Kingdom,  in 
order  that  four  other  Ministers  might  be  appointed  that 
would  carry  out  her  behest,  treasonable,  or  otherwise,  as 
might  be  most  conveniently  within  their  scope.  I  say,  have 
ive  any  reasonable  assurance  that  the  Queen  and  her  Min- 


isters have  abandoned  finally  the  new  Constitution  promul- 
gation scheme?  (Roars  of  No!  from  the  audience.)  My 
fellow  citizens,  while  the  Queen  and  her  Cabinet  continue 
to  trifle  with  and  play  fast  and  loose  with  the  affairs  of 
State,  there  can  be  no  feeling  of  security  for  foreign  families 
residing  within  these  domains.  There  can  be  no  business 
prosperity  here  at  home,  and  our  credit  abroad  must  be  of 
the  flimsiest  and  most  uncertain  nature.  And  you  business 
men  who  are  toiling  honestly  for  your  bread  and  butter  will 
have  to  put  up  with  thin  bread  and  much  thinner  butter  if 
this  farcical  work  is  continued.  In  order  that  matters  may 
be  set  to  rights  again  and  that  honest,  stable  and  honorable 
government  may  be  maintained  in  Hawaii,  I  support  the 
resolution  and  trust  that  it  will  be  passed  unanimously  by 
this  meeting. 

MR.  C.  BOLTE  spoke  in  a  simi- 
lar strain,  and  was  followed  by 

HON  H.  P.  BALDWIN  :  I  feel 
with  the  rest  of  you,  that  the 
actions  of  the  Queen  have  put 
the  country  in  a  very  critical 
situation.  Before  this  revolution- 
ary act  of  Her  Majesty,  we  were 
getting  along.  A  Ministry  had 
been  appointed  which  would  pro- 
bably have  been  able  to  pull  us 
through.  The  McKinley  bill  had 


H.  P.  BALDWIN. 


49 


put  the  whole  country  into  a  critical  situation.  We  were 
working  up  new  industries.  Mr.  Dillingham  is  trying  to 
build  a  railroad  around  this  island.  The  Queen  seems  to 
have  blinded  herself  to  all  these  things.  She  has  followed  a 
whim  of  her  own — a  whim  of  an  irresponsible  body  of 
Hawaiians — and  tried  to  establish  a  new  Constitution.  •  We 
must  stop  this;  but  we  must  not  go  beyond  Constitu- 
tional means.  I  favor  the  resolution,  but  think  the  com- 
mittee should  act  within  the  Constitution.  There  is  no 
question  that  the  Queen  has  done  a  revolutionary  act — 
there  is  no  doubt  about  that.  The  Queen's  proclamation 
has  not  mspired  confidence;  but  shall  we  not  teach  her  to 
act  within  the  Constitution?  (Loud  calls  of  "No!")  Well, 
gentlemen,  I  see  that  you  do  not  agree  with  me,  but  I  am 
ready  to  act  when  the  time  comes. 

J.  EMMELUTH  wished  to  say  a  few  words  on  the  situa- 
tion. He  had  heard  the  Queen's  speech  at  the  palace,  and 
noted  the  expression  of  her  face.  It  was  fiendish.  When 
the  petitioners  filed  out  he  reflected  on  the  fact  that  thirty 
men  could  paralyze  the  business  of  the  community  for 
twenty-four  hours.  It  was  not  they  that  did  it,  but  the 
schemers  behind  them,  and  perhaps  a  woman  too.  It  was 
not  the  Hawaiians  that  wanted  the  new  Constitution;  not 
those  who  worked.  This  was  the  third  time  th  t  he  had 
shut  his  doors,  let  his  men  go,  and  come  up  to  this  build- 
ing. It  would  be  the  last  time.  If  we  let  this  time  go  by 
we  should  deserve  all  we  should  get.  An  opportunity  came 


once  in  every  lifetime.  It  had  come  to  us,  and  if  we  fin- 
ished as  we  should,  a  repetition  of  last  Saturday  would 
never  occur  in  this  country  again.  (Applause.)  We  must 
stand  shoulder  to  shoulder.  There  vvas  but  one  course  to 
pursue,  and  we  should  all  see  it.  The  manifesto  of  this 
morning  was  bosh.  "I  won't  do  it  any  more;  but  give  me 
a  chance  and  I'll  do  it  again."  This  is  the  real  meaning 
of  it.  If  the  Queen  had  succeeded  last  Saturday,  myself 
and  you  would  have  been  robbed  of  the  privileges  without 
which  no  white  man  can  live  in  this  community.  "  Fear 
not,  be  not  afraid,"  was  written  in  my  Bible  by  my  mother 
twenty-five  years  ago.  Gentlemen,  I  have  done.  As  far  as  the 
Hawaiians  are  concerned,  I  have  an  aloha  for  them,  and  we 
wish  to  have  laws  enabling  us  to  live  peaceably  together. 

R.  J.  GREENE  spoke  earnestly  in  like  tone.  The  Chair- 
man then  read  the  resolution.  It  was  passed  by  a  unani- 
mous standing  vote,  without  a  dissenting  voice,  amid  tre- 
mendous cheers,  after  which  the  meeting  broke  up. 

THE    MASS    MEETING    AT    PALACE   SQUARE. 

The  so-called  "law  and  order  meeting"  of  natives  at 
Palace  Square,  which  had  been  called  by  the  Ministry  for  2 
p.  M.,  has  been  variously  estimated  all  the  way  from  500  to 
3000.  The  writer  estimated  it  at  the  time  to  be  about  half 
as  large  as  the  meeting  at  the  Armory.  It  was  a  tame  and 
dispirited  meeting,  the  speakers  being  under  strict  orders  to 


50 


CAPT.  G.  C.  WIf.TSE. 


HIS  EX.  J.  L.  STEVENS. 


express  themselves  with  great  caution  and  moderation. 
Addresses  were  made  by  Messrs.  A  Rosa,  J.  E.  Bush,  J. 
Nawahi,  W.  White  and  R.  W.  Wilcox,  who  cautioned  the 
natives  against  any  violence  or  disorder,  and  supported  the 
following  resolutions  which  were  adopted  : 

"  Resolved,  That  the  assurance  of  Her  Majesty,  the  Queen, 
contained  in  this  day's  proclamation  is  accepted  by  the 
people  as  a  satisfactory  guarantee  that  the  Government  does 
not  and  will  not  seek  any  modification  of  the  Constitution 
by  any  other  means  than  those  provided  in  the  organic  law  : 

Resolved,  That  accepting  this  assurance,  the  citizens  here 
assembled  will  give  their  cordial  support  to  the  administra- 
tion and  endorse  them  in  sustaining  that  policy." 

Thus  a  meeting  chiefly '  composed  of  the  advocates  of  a 
new  constitution,  the  leaders  of  which  had  conspired  with 
the  Queen  to  secure  such  constitution,  voted  an  expression 
of  thanks  to  her  for  renouncing  her  attempt  to  establish  it. 

The  tone  of  this  meeting  was  constrained  and  unnatural, 
the  only  genuine  enthusiasm  being  called  out  by  expressions 
of  sympathy  with  the  attempted  Coup  d'etat  of  Saturday, 
the  14th. 


dorsed,  and  that  they  would  have  the  support  of  nearly  the 
whole  white  population  in  proceeding  to  establish  a  provisi- 
onal government.  Their  pla-n.s,  however,  were  incomplete,  and 
the  new  government  not  yet  organized.  Fearing  that  the 
landing  of  the  U.  S.  troops  would  precipitate  a  conflict,  be- 
fore their  own  forces  were  ready,  they  sent  Messrs.  Thurston 
and  Smith  to  the  U.  S.  Legation  to  request  Mr.  Stevens  to 
postpone  it.  This  request  certainly  implied  that  they  expect- 
ed to  fight  their  own  battles. 

He  replied  that  "as  a  precautionary  measure,  and  to  pro- 
tect the  lives  and  property  of  American  citizens,  he  had 
requested  that  the  troops  be  landed  at  5  o'clock  and  that 
they  would  land."  After  receiving  their  report  the  Com- 
mittee adjourned.  Marshal  Wilson  expected  a  speedy  attack 
from  the  forces  of  the  Committee  of  Safety,  and  put  the 
Station  house  in  a  state  of  defense. 

In  view  of  the  indications  of  approaching  trouble,  Minister 
Stevens  had  gone  on  board  the  Boston  about  3  p.  M.  arid 
handed  to  Capt.  Wiltse  the  following  request: 

"UNITED  STATES  LEGATION, 


LANDING    OF   THE    U.    S.    TROOPS. 


HONOLULU,    January    16th,    1893. 

''SiR: — In    view   of   the   existing    critical   circumstances   in 

Immediately  after  the  adjournment  of  the  mass  meeting  Honolulu,  indicating  an  inadequate  force,  I  request  you*  to 
the  Committee  of  Safety  met  again  at  W.  0.  Smith's  office,  land  marines  and  sailors  from  the  ship  under  your  command 
All  the  members  felt  that  their  course  had  been  fully  en-  for  the  protection  of  the  United  States  Legation  and  United 

51 


States  Consulate,  and  to  secure  the  safety  of  American  life 
and  property. 

(Signed)  JOHN  L.  STEVENS, 

Envoy  Extraordinary  and  Minister  Plenipo- 
tentiary of  the  United  States. 

To  CAPTAIN  G.  C.  WILTSE, 

Commander  of  the   U.  S.  S.  Boston." 

Mr.  Stevens,  however,  found  that  Capt.  Wiltse  had  antici- 
pated his  request,  having  his  force  already  prepared  for 
landing,  and  having  written  the  following  order,  which  was 
based  upon  the  standing  rules  of  the  Navy  and  Secretary 
Bayard's  instructions  to  Mr.  Merrill  in  1887,  and  which 
went  further  than  Mr.  Stevens'  request  ^y  directing  the 
force  "to  assist  in  preserving  public  order." 

"  U.  S.  BOSTON,  SECOND  RATE. 
HONOLULU,  HAWAIIAN  ISLANDS,  Jan.  16th,  1893. 

"  LIEUTENANT  COMMANDER  W.  T.  SWINBURNE, 

U.  S.  Navy,  Executive  Officer  of  U.  S.  S.  Boston. 

"SiR: — You  will  take  command  of  the  battalion,  and  land 
in  Honolulu,  for  the  purpose  of  protecting  our  legation,  con- 
sulate and  the  lives  and  property  of  American  citizens,  and 
to  assist  in  preserving  public  order. 


"Great  prudence  must  be  exercised  by  both  officers  and 
men  and  no  action  taken  that  is  not  fully  warranted  by  the 
condition  of  affairs,  and  by  the  conduct  of  those  who  may 
be  inimical  to  the  treaty  rights  of  American  citizens. 

''You  will  inform  me  at  the  earliest  practicable  moment 
of  any  change  in  the  situation. 

Very   respectfully, 

G.  C.  WILTSE, 
Captain  U.  S.  Navy,  commanding  U.  8.  S.  Boston." 

He  also  learned  that  previous  to  the  two  mass  meetings 
the  U.  S.  Consul-General,  Mr.  H.  W.  Severance,  had  sent 
Capt.  Wiltse  a  note,  warning  him  that  there  was  danger 
of  an  outbreak  on  shore,  and  offering  to  inform  -him,  if  ne- 
cessary, either  by  telephone,  or  if  the  wires  should  be  cut, 
by  setting  his  flag  at  half-mast. 

Upon  learning  that  the  troops  were  not  supplied  with 
tents,  Mr.  Stevens  undertook  to  secure  some  building  for 
their  accommodation,  and  left  the  ship  about  4  p.  M. 

At  5  P.  M.,  Lieut.  W.  T.  Swinburne  landed  at  Brewer's 
wharf  with  a  force  of  162  officers  and  men,  having  one  gat- 
ling  gun  and  one  37  millimeter  revolving  gun,  and  80  rounds 
of  ammunition  to  each  man.  Half  of  the  marines  were  left 
at  the  U.  S.  Consulate,  under  the  command  of  Lieut.  Draper, 
and  the  remainder  sent  to  the  U.  S.  Legation  on  Nuuami 
Avenue.  Then  the  main  body,  comprising  three  companies 
of  blue  jackets,  marched  up  King  street  past  the  Pahn-f 


52 


where  the  royal  salute  was  given,  and  after  a  long  halt 
between  Likelike  and  Punchbowl  streets  bivouacked  in  Mr. 
Atherton's  grounds,  awaiting  further  orders. 

Meanwhile  Mr.  Stevens  sent  a  note  to  Mr.  Giffard  of  the 
firm  of  Irwin  &  Co.,  asking  for  the  temporary  use  of  the 
Opera  House,  which  was  refused.  On  further  inquiry  he 
was  told  of  the  building  in  the  rear  of  the  Opera  House, 
called  Arion  Hall,  which  he  finally  secured  after  applying 
for  it,  first  to  Mr.  J.  S.  Walker,  and  then  to  Mr.  Waller, 
the  lessee.  These  circumstances  go  to  show  that  the  selection 
of  this  building  was  not  premeditated,  although  it  was  unfor- 
tunate. The  troops  marched  down  after  9  P.  M.  and  took  up 
their  quarters  there  for,  the  night.  The  knowledge  of  the 
fact  that  the  U.  S.  troops  were  on  shore  undoubtedly  served 
to  repress  disorder  and  gave  the  community  a  grateful  sense 
of  security.  There  was  a  band  concert  at  the  Hawaiian 
Hotel  that  evening  which  was  well  attended.  During  the 
night,  however,  two  incendiary  fires  were  started,  one  at 
Emma  Square  and  the\Qther  on  the  plains,  which  were 
promptly  extinguished. 

PROTESTS    AGAINST    THE    LANDING. 


responsibility.  They  afterwards  sent  him  formal  protests  in 
writing,  to  which  he  replied  that  "In  whatever  the  United 
States  diplomatic  and  naval  representatives  have  done  or 
may  do,  at  this  critical  hour  of  Hawaiian  Affairs,  we  will 
be  guided  by  the  kindest  views  and  feelings  for  all  the 
parties  concerned,  and  by  the  warmest  sentiments  for  the 
Hawaiian  people  and  persons  of  all  nationalities." 

There  is  a  diplomatic  ambiguity  in  this  language  which 
was  not  reassuring. 

It  appears  from  the  statement  by  Dr.  Trousseau,  that  the 
representatives  of  Great  Britain,  France  and  Portugal  also 
made  an  informal  call  on  Mr.  Stevens  early  in  the  evening, 
to  inquire  of  him  why  the  troops  had  been  landed.  He  is 
said  to  have  replied  in  substance  that  great  -alarm  was  felt 
by  many  of  the  residents,  and  that  his  object  was  to  pre- 
serve lavv  and  order.  No  protest  was  filed  by  them. 

During  the  night  Marshal  Wilson  urged  the  Attorney-Gen- 
eral to  have  martial  law  proclaimed  the  next  morning,  and 
showed  him  a  proclamation  to  that  effect,  ready  for  signing. 
He  also  proposed  to  place  an  armed  force  in  the  Government 
building,  but  Mr.  Peterson  raised  objections  to  both  pros- 
posals,  and  nothing  was  done. 


Immediately    after   the   landing    of  the    U.   S.   troops,    Mr.  MEETING  OP  THE  COMMITTEE  OF  SAFETY  MONDAY  EVENING. 
Parker  and  Gov.   Cleghorn  called  on    Mr.  Stevens  and    asked 

him    why    they   had    landed.      He    replied    that    the   circum-  The  Committee  of  Safety  met  again  at  8  P.  M.  at  the  resi- 
stances   were   such   that   he   had   felt   compelled   to   take   the  derice    of    Mr.    Henry    Waterhouse.      Three    of    the    leading 

53 


members  were  prevented  by  illness  from  attending,  viz.: 
Messrs.  W.  R.  Castle,  L.  A.  Thurston  and  W.  C.  Wilder. 
Besides  the  Committee  several  well  known  citizens,  viz.: 
Messrs.  Alexander  Young,  J.  H.  Soper,  Cecil  Brown,  H.  P. 
Baldwin  and  F.  W.  Wundenburg  were  present.  Judge  Dole 
was  chosen  as  President  and  Mr.  C.  Bolte  was  appointed  to 
wait  upon  him  and  invite  his  attendance  at  the  meeting. 
He  came  with  reluctance,  and  at  first  declined  the  offer, 
stating  that  he  was  not  yet  onvinced  that  the  time  had 
come  for  so  radical  a  step  as  the  abrogation  of  monarchy. 
He  admitted  that  the  manifest  destiny  of  the  islands  was 
annexation  to  the  United  States,  arid  that  the  Queen  had 
forfeited  the  throne,  but  was  not  sure  that  a  Regency,  in 
the  name  of  Kaiulani  might  not  be  the  best  solution  of  the 
problem. 

At  length  he  consented  to  take  the  matter  under  advise- 
ment, and  to  give  his  final  answer  at  lO  o'clock  next  morn- 
ing. A  committee  was  appointed  to  make  a  list  of  names 
of  suitable  persons  who  would  be  willing  to  serve  in  an 
Executive  Council  of  five  and  an  Advisory  Council  of  eight 
members.  Mr.  Soper  was  requested  to  take  command  of  the 
military  forces,  to  which  he  consented  conditionally.  The 
assertion  that  a  committee  was  sent  from  this  meeting 
to  confer  with  Mr.  Stevens  has  been  fully  proved  to  be 
false.  Mr.  Cecil  Brown  declined  to  serve  in  the  P^xecutive 
Council,  but  afterwards  joined  the  Advisory  Council.  A 
committee  of  three  was  appointed  to  procure  additional 


arms  and  amunition,  and  the  meeting   adjourned    near    mid- 
night. 

Tuesday,  January  17th,  1893,  will  ever  be  a  memorable 
day  in  the  history  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands. 

MH.  DAMON'S  INTERVIKW  WITH  THE  QUEEN. 

About  9  A.  M.  Mr.  S.  M.  Damon  called  on  the  Queen  and 
informed  her  that  he  had  decided  to  join  the  party  which 
had  for  its  object  the  abrogation  of  monarchy  and  an- 
nexation to  the  United  States.  He  advised  her  not  to 
resist  what  was  inevitable,  but  to  submit,  as  resistance 
would  only  cause  useless  bloodshed.  According  to  her 
own  statement  she  asked  him  tp  accept  an  jippointment 
to  the  Advisory  Council,  thinking  that  in  that  position 
he  might  be  of  service  to  her,  from  which  it  may 
fairly  be  inferred  that  she  had  already  decided  to  sub- 
mit. 

LAST    MEETING    OF   THE    COMMITTEE    OF    SAFETY. 

The  Committee  of  Safety  met  at  10  A.  M.  in  Mr.  W.  0. 
Smith's  oHice.  It  was  voted  that  the  number  of  members 
of  the  Advisory  Council  be  increased  from  eight  to  thirteen, 
and  the  list  of  members  decided  upon.  Meanwhile  Mr.  L. 
A.  Thurston  dictated  the  ^proclamation  of  the  provisional 
government  from  a  sick  bed.  Hon.  S.  B.  Dole,  having  sent 


X   * 


his  resignation  as  Associate  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court 
to  Mr.  S.  Parker,  the  then  premier,  came  before  the  Com- 
mittee of  Safety  about  11  A.  M.,  and  announced  that  he 
would  accept  the  position  offered  him,  of  president  of  the 
Executive  Council.  Reflection  had  convinced  him  that  no 
half-way  measure  like  a  Regency  would  be  practicable  or 
satisfactory.  Mr.  S.  M.  Damon  also  came  in  for  the  first 
time.  It  was  decided  to  charter  the  steamer  Claudine  for  a 
trip  to  San  Francisco.  The  Committee  then  took  a  recess 
until  1:30  p.  M. 

PROCKEDINGS  OF  THE  QUEEN'S  PARTY. 

Marshal  Wilson,  in  his  written  statement,  says,  that  be- 
fore 11  A.M.  he  was  informed  that  the  Committee  of  Safety 
"would  move  on  the  Government  house  at  3  P.  M.,  and  on 
the  Police  Station  at  4  p.  M.,  and  that  they  would  rendez- 
vous at  the  Armory  on  Beretania  street."  He  s;iys  that  he 
sent  for  the  Cabinet,  "but  there  were  no  signs  of  the  Cabi- 
net," till  2  p.  M.  If  they  had  garrisoned  and  held  the 
Government  building,  as  the  then  legal  government,  the 
proximity  of  the  United  States  troops  would  have  merely 
served  to  strengthen  their  position  against  any  attack  by 
the  revolutionists.  It  seems  that  Mr.  C.  J.  McCarthy, 
(clerk  of  the  legislature  of  1892),  had  been  placed  by  Mr. 
Wilson  in  charge  of  the  building,  but  waited  there  in  vain 
for  a  force  that  never  came.  Several  thousand  cartridges 


were  afterwards  found  in  the  Foreign  Office,  probably  in- 
tended for  its  defense.  Mr.  Wilson  notified  Capt.  Nowlein 
to  station  part  of  his  men  in  the  basement  of  the  palace, 
and  massed  his  regular  police  and  specials  at  the  Station 
house.  He  is  said  to  have  sent  the  Queen  a  message  at  11 
A.  M.  and  again  at  1  P.  M.,  by  no  means  to  yield. 

As  near  as  can  be  ascertained,  the  Queen  had  65  soldiers 
at  the  barracks,  and  110  regular  police,  besides  a  consider- 
able number  of  volunteers,  of  whom  no  register  can  be 
found.  They  had  abundance  of  rifles,  one  Gatling  gun  and 
a  battery  of  eight  field  pieces,  but  they  lacked  skill  to  use 
them  as  well  as  confidence  in  their  cause,  and  above  all, 
competent  leaders. 

To  judge  from  their  conduct,  the  Queen's  Cabinet  were 
overawed  by  the  unanimity  and  determination  of  the  foreign 
community,  and  probably  had  an  exaggerated  idea  of  the 
force  at  the  command  of  the  Committee  of  Safety.  They 
shrank  from  the  responsibility  of  causing  fruitless  blood- 
shed, and  sought  a  valid  excuse  for  inaction,  which  they 
thought  they  found  in  the  presence  of  the  United  States 
troops  on  shore,  and  in  the  well  known  sympathy  of  the 
American  Minister  with  the  opposition. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Cabinet  held  in  the  forenoon,  it  was 
decided  to  call  a  conference  of  the  diplomatic  corps  at  1  i>.  M. 
which  was  done.  Mr.  Stevens  declined  to  attend,  but 
the  representatives  of  Great  Britain,  France,  Portugal  and 
Japan  met  with  the  Cabinet  in  the  Foreign  Office.  Accord- 


55 


ing   to    Mr.  Parker,  they    advised    the    Cabinet    "to  make  no 
resistance"  to  the   coming  revolution. 

About  this  time  the  following  letter  was  sent  to  Minister 
Stevens  : 

Sir  .-—The  assurance  conveyed  by  a  royal  proclamation  by 
myself  and  Ministers  yesterday,  having  been  received  by  my 
native  subjects  and  by  them  ratified  at  a  mass  meeting,  was 
received  in  a  different  spirit  by  the  meeting  representing  the 
foreign  population  and  interests  in  my  kingdom.  It  is  now 
my  desire  to  give  your  excellency,  as  the  diplomatic  repre- 
sentative of  the  United  States  of  America  at  my  court,  the 
solemn  assurance  that  the  present  constitution  will  be  up- 
held by  me  and  by  my  ministers,  and  no  changes  will  be 
made  except  by  the  method  therein  provided.  I  desire  to 
express  to  your  excellency  this  assurance  in  the  spirit  of 
that  friendship  which  has  ever  existed  between  my  kingdom 
and  that  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States  of  America, 
and  which  I  trust  will  long  continue. 

LILIUOKALANI,  R. 

SAMUEL  PARKER, 

Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs; 

WILLIAM  H.  CORNWELL, 

Minister  of  Finance; 

JOHN  F.  COLBURN, 

Minister  of  Interior; 

A.  P.  PETERSON, 

Attorney-General. 

lolani  Palace,   Honolulu,  Jan.  17,  1893. 

56 


A  little  before  2  p.  M.  the  whole  Cabinet  drove  out  to  Mr. 
Stevens'  residence,  to  ascertain  whether  he  would  afford  any 
assistance  to  the  Queen's  government,  in  case  it  should  be 
required.  As  Mr.  Stevens  was  suffering  from  a  severe  at- 
tack of  illness,  he  received  only  two  of  them  in  his  private 
office,  viz.,  Messrs.  Parker  and  Peterson.  The  latter  went 
into  a  leg;il  argument  to  prove  that  they  were  the  legal 
government,  and  as  such  could  properly  ask  the  aid  of  the 
United  States  naval  forces  to  sustain  the  Queen.  Mr.  Ste- 
vens replied — ''Gentlemen,  these  men  were  landed  for  one 
purpose  only,  a  pacific  purpose,  and  we  cannot  take  part  in 
any  contest.  I  cannot  use  this  force  for  sustaining  the 
Queen  or  anybody  else."  The  Cabinet  then  hastened  to  the 
Station  house,  where  they  remained  during  the  rest  of  the 
afternoon. 

CLOSING    ACTION   OF   THE   COMMITTEE    OF    SAFETY. 

The  Committee  of  Safety  met  again  at  2  p.  M.  At  this 
meeting  the  Executive  Counsel  was  reduced  in  number  from 
five  to  four  members,  the  offices  of  President  and  Minister 
of  Foreign  Affairs  l>eing  united  in  one  person,  while  the 
Advisory  Council  was  increased  to  fourteen  members.  The 
Committee  of  Safety  signed  the  proclamation,  and  the  Execu- 
tive Council  signed  the  commission  of  John  H.  Soper,  as 
commander  of  the  forces.  The  papers  were  completed  by 
2:30  P.  M.,  and  word  was  sent  for  the  four  volunteer  com- 


JUDICIARY  BUILDING  (FORMER  GOVERMENT  BUILDING) 


HONOLULU 


panics    to   assemble   at   the   armory  and  move  from   there  on 
•he   Government    building. 

Mr.   C.    L.  Carter  had   previously   gone  to  the  Government 
ailding   to   see   if   there    was    a   guard    concealed   there    but 
mnd    none.     "There    were    but   eight  clerks   in  the  building 
which    ordinarily    teemed    with    the    Ministers,    Judges   and 
some   forty   or   fifty    officials    and    clerks."      He   also    visited 
Arion   Hall   and  asked    Lieut.   Swinburne  to  let   him   see    his 
orders,  to  which   he  consented,   saying,    "You  see   my  orders 
are   to    protect    the    Legation,    the    Consulate,   and    the    lives 
ind  property  of   American   citizens,  and  to  assist  in   preserv- 
ng   order  ;  I  do    not  know  how   to   interpret  that ;  I  can   do 
it   in    but   one   way.      If    the    Queen    calls    upon    me   to    pre- 
serve  order,    I    am   going   to   do    it." 

At  2  p.  M.  the  members  of  the  Executive  and  Advisory 
Councils  together  with  Mr.  H.  E.  Cooper,  Chairman  of  the 
Committee  of  Safety,  left  Mr.  W.  0.  Smith's  office,  and 
proceeded  on  foot,  most  of  them  up  Merchant  street,  and 
the  rest  up  Queen  street  to  the  Government  building.  Just 
a.s  they  were  starting,  they  saw  and  heard  a  pistol  shot  fired 
one  block  above,  and  people  running  from  all  directions  to- 
wards that  point.  They  hastened  on,  not  without  a  keen  sense 
of  personal  danger,  but  found  their  way  entirely  clear. 

THE     SHOT    ON     FORT     STREET. 


lecting  arms  and  ammunition  from  different  stores.  The 
loading  of  his  wagon  at  E.  0.  Hall  &  Son's  had  been 
watched  by  several  policemen,  detailed  for  the  purpose. 

As  the  wagon  was  being  driven  out  of  the  rear  entrance 
on  King  street,  a  policeman  snatched  at  the  reins,  and 
ordered  a  halt.  As  the  driver  kept  on,  he  blew  his  whistle, 
and  four  or  five  more  policemen  came  running  up.  A  Fort 
street  car  had  just  crossed  King  street,  and  together  with 
a  passing  dray,  blocked  the  way  for  a  few  moments.  As 
the  wagon  turned  to  go  up  Fort  street,  a  struggle  ensued, 
during  which  Mr.  Good  shot  a  policeman  through  the 
shoulder,  on  which  the  others  fell  back.  The  wagon 
was  then  driven  at  full  speed  up  Fort  street,  pursued  by 
two  policemen  in  a  hack,  who  were  kept  at  a  distance  by 
rifles  leveled  at  them  irom  the  wagon.  Mr.  Good  and  his 
men  continued  on  up  Fort  street  to  School  street,  and 
then  down  Punchbowl  street  to  the  Armory,  where  they 
were  glad  to  see  Capt.  Ziegler's  company  drawn  up  in 
line.  The  wounded  man,  whose  name  was  Leialoha,  was 
assisted  by  another  officer  and  Mr.  P.  M.  Rooney  to  the 
Station  house,  where  he  was  attended  to  by  Dr.  Peterson. 
He  was  afterwards  taken  to  the  hospital,  and  in  time 
entirely  recovered  from  his  wound. 

THE    PROVISIONAL    GOVERNMENT    DECLARED. 


That     morning      Mr.     John     Good     had     been     appointed          In    the    meantime   the    founders    of    the    new    government 
ordnance   officer,   and    with    three    assistants    had    been   col-      had   reached   the   Government  building.      All   were  unarmed. 

57 


Only  one  of  the  volunteer  riflemen  had  arrived,  and  none 
of  the  Queen's  forces  were  in  sight.  The  house  was  nearly 
"empty,  swept  and  garnished."  Lieut.  Swinburne  withdrew 
his  men  to  the  rear  of  Arion  hall  out  of  sight,  to  stack 
arms,  and  kept  them  at  their  company  parades,  except  a 
single  sentry  pacing  the  lane  in  front. 

Mr.  Cooper  then  made  demand  upon  Mr.  Hassinger,  the 
chief  clerk  of  the  Interior  office,  for  possession  of  the  build- 
ing, and  the  demand  was  immediately  complied  with,  there 
being  no  force  with  which  any  resistance  could  have  been 
made.  The  Committee  now  proceeded  to  the  public  en- 
trance, and  here  Mr.  H.  E.  Cooper  -  read  to  the  gathering 
crowd  the  following  proclamation  : 

PROCLAMATION. 

In  its  earlier  history  Hawaii  possessed  a  Constitutional 
Government  honestly  and  economically  administered  in  the 
public  interest. 

The  Crown  called  to  its  assistance  as  advisers  able,  honest 
and  conservative  men  whose  integrity  was  unquestioned  even 
by  their  political  opponents. 

The  stability  of  the  Government  was  assured;  armed  re- 
sistance and  revolution  unthought  of,  popular  rights  were 
respected  and  the  privileges  of  the  subject  from  time  to  time 
increased  and  the  prerogatives  of  the  Sovereign  diminished 
by  the  volunfary  acts  of  the  successive  Kings. 


With  very  few  exceptions  this  state  of  affairs  continued 
until  the  expiration  of  the  first  few  years  of  the  reign  of 
His  late  Majesty  Kalakaua.  At  this  time  a  change  was 
discernible  in  the  spirit  animating  the  chief  executive  and 
in  the  influences  surrounding  the  Throne.  A  steadily  in- 
creasing disposition  was  manifested  on  the  part  of  the 
King,  to  extend  the  Royal  prerogatives ;  to  favor  adven- 
turers and  persons  of  no  character  or  standing  in  the  com- 
munity; to  encroach  upon  the  rights  and  privileges  of  the 
people  by  steadily  increasing  corruption  of  electors,  and  by 
means  of  the  power  and  influence  of  office  holders  and 
other  corrupt  means  to  illegitimately  influence  the  elec- 
tions, resulting  in  the  final  absolute  control  of  not  only  the 
executive  and  legislative  ;  but  to  a  certain  extent  the  judi- 
cial departments  of  the  government,  in  the  interest  of 
absolutism. 

This  finally  resulted  in  the  revulsion  of  feeling  and  popu- 
lar uprising  of  1887,  which  wrested  from  the  King  a  large 
portion  of  his  ill-gotten  powers. 

The  leaders  of  this  movement  were  not  seeking  personal 
aggrandisement,  political  power  or  the  suppression  of  the 
native  government.  If  this  had  been  their  object  it  could 
easily  have  been  accomplished,  for  they  had  the  absolute 
control  of  the  situation. 

Their  object  was  to  secure  responsible  government  through 
a  representative  Cabinet,  supported  by  and  responsible  to  the 
people's  elected  representatives.  A  clause  to  this  effect  was 


58 


inserted  in  the  Constitution  and  subsequently  enacted  by 
law  by  the  Legislature,  specifically  covering  the  ground  that, 
in  all  matters  concerning  the  State  the  Sovereign  was  to  act 
by  and  with  the  advice  of  the  Cabinet  and  only  by  and 
with  such  advice. 

The  King  willingly  agreed  to  such  proposition,  expressed 
regret  for  the  past,  and  volunteered  promises  for  the  future. 

Almost  from  the  date  of  such  agreement  and  promises,  up 
to  the  time  of  his  death,  the  history  of  the  Government  has 
been  a  continual  struggle  between  the  King  on  the  one 
hand  and  the  Cabinet  and  the  Legislature  on  the  other,  the 
former  constantly  endeavoring  by  every  available  form  of 
influence  and  evasion  to  ignore  his  promises  and  agreements 
and  regain  his  lost  powers. 

This  conflict  upon  several  occasions  came  to  a  crisis, 
followed  each  time  by  submission  on  the  part  of  His  Majes- 
ty, by  renewed  expressions  of  regret  and  promises  to  abide 
by  the  constitutional  and  legal  restrictions  in  the  future. 
In  each  instance  such  promise  was  kept  until  a  further 
opportunity  presented  itself,  when  the  conflict  was  renewed 
in  defiance  and  regardless  of  all  previous  pledges. 

Upon  the  accession  of  Her  Majesty  Liliuokalani,  for  a  'brief 
period  the  hope  prevailed  that  a  new  policy  would  be  adopt- 
ed. This  hope  was  soon  blasted  by  her  immediately  enter- 
ing into  conflict  with  the  existing  Cabinet,  who  held  office 
with  the  approval  of  a  large  majority  of  the  Legislature, 
resulting  in  the  triumph  of  the  Queen  and  the  removal  of 


the  Cabinet.  The  appointment  of  a  new  Cabinet  subservient 
to  her  wishes  and  their  continuance  in  office  until  a  recent 
date  gave  no  opportunity  for  further  indication  of  the  policy 
which  would  be  pursued  by  Her  Majesty  until  the  opening 
of  the  Legislature  in  May  of  1892. 

The  recent  history  of  that  session  has  shown  a  stubborn 
determination  on  the  part  of  Her  Majesty  to  follow  the  tac- 
tics of  her  late  brother,  and  in  all  possible  ways  to  secure 
an  extension  of  the  royal  prerogatives  and  an  abridgment  of 
popular  rights. 

During  the  latter  part  of  ihe  session,  the  Legislature  was 
replete  with  corruption  ;  bribery  and  other  illegitimate  influ- 
ences were  openly  utilized  to  secure  the  desired  end,  result- 
ing in  the  final  complete  overthrow  of  all  opposition  and  the 
inauguration  of  a  Cabinet  arbitrarily  selected  by  Her  Majesty 
in  complete  defiance  of  constitutional  principles  and  popular 
representation. 

Notwithstanding  such  result  the  defeated1  party  peacefully 
submitted  to  the  situation. 

Not  content  with  her  victory,  Her  Majesty  proceeded  on 
the  last  day  of  the  session  to  arbitrarily  arrogate  to  herself 
the  right  to  promulgate  a  new  Constitution,  which  proposed 
among  other  things  to  disfranchise  over  one-fourth  of  the 
voters  and  the  owners  of  nine-tenths  of  the  private  property 
of  the  Kingdom,  to  abolish  the  elected  upper  House  of  the 
Legislature  and  to  substitute  in  place  thereof  an  appointive 
one  to  be  appointed  by  the  Sovereign. 


59 


The  detailed  history  of  this  attempt  and  of  the  succeeding 
events  fn  connection  therewith  is  given  in  the  report  of  the 
Committee  of  Public  Safety  to  the  citizens  of  Honolulu,  and 
the  resolution  adopted  at  the  mass  meeting  held  on  the  16th 
inst.,  the  correctness  of  which  report  and  the  propriety  of 
which  resolution  are  hereby  specifically  affirmed. 

The  constitutional  evolution  indicated  has  slowly  and 
steadily,  though  reluctantly,  and  regretfully,  convinced  an 
overwhelming  majority  of  the  conservative  and  responsible 
members  of  the  community  that  independent,  constitutional, 
representative  and  responsible  government,  able  to  protect  itself 
from  revolutionary  uprisings  and  royal  aggression  is  no  longer 
possible  in  Hawaii  under  the  existing  system  of  government. 

Five  uprisings  or  conspiracies  against  the  government  have 
occurred  within  five  years  and  seven  months.  It  is  firmly 
believed  that  the  culminating<  revolutionary  attempt  of  last 
Saturday  will,  unless  radical  measures  are  taken,  wreck  our 
already  damaged  credit  abroad  and  precipitate  to  final  ruin 
our  already  overstrained  financial  condition  ;  and  the  guar- 
antees of  protection  to  life,  liberty  and  property  will  stead- 
ily decrease  and  the  political  situation  rapidly  grow  worse. 

In  this  belief,  and  also  in  the  firm  belief  that  the  action 
hereby  taken  is,  and  will  be  for  the  best  personal,  political 
and  property  interests  of  every  citizen  of  the  land. 

We,  citizens  and  residents  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands,  organ- 
ized and  acting  for  the  public  safety  and  the  common  good, 
hereby  proclaim  as  follows : 


1.  The    Hawaiian    Monarchical    system    of   Government  is 
hereby  abrogated. 

2.  A  Provisional  Government  for  the  control  and  manage- 
ment of  public  affairs  and  the  protection  of  the  public  peace 
is    hereby  established,   to  exist  until  terms  of  union  with  the 
United    States   of  America  have    been   negotiated    and   agreed 
upon. 

3.  Such  Provisional   Government  shall    consist  of  an  Exe- 
cutive   Council   of  four    members,    who    are    hereby    declared 
to  be  S.  B.  DOLE, 

J.  A.  KING, 

P.  C.  JONKS, 

\V.  O.  SMITH, 

Who  shall  administer  the  Executive  Departments  of  the 
Government,  the  first  named  acting  as  President  and  Chair- 
man of  such  Council  and  administering  the  Department  of 
Foreign  Affairs,  and  the  others  severally  administering  the 
Department  of  Interior,  Finance  and  Attorney-General,  re- 
spectively, in  the  order  in  which  they  are  above  enumerated, 
according  to  existing  Hawaiian  Law  as  far  as  may  be  con- 
sistent with  this  Proclamation ;  and  also  of  an  Advisory 
Council  which  shall  consist  of  fourteen  members  who  are 
hereby  declared  to  be 

S.  M.  DAMON, 

A.    BROWN, 

L.  A.  THITRSTON, 

J.  F.  MORGAN, 


60 


J.  EMMELUTH, 
H.  WATERHOUSE, 

J.    A.     McCANDLESS, 

E.  D.  TENNEY, 

F.  W.    McCHESNEY, 
F.    WlLHELM, 

W.  R.  CASTLE, 
W.  G.  ASHLEY, 
W.  C.  WILDER, 

C.    BOLTE, 

Such    Advisory    Council    shall    also    have    general    legislative 
authority. 

Such  Executive  and  Advisory  Councils  shall,  acting  joint- 
ly, have  power  to  remove  any  member  of  either  Council  and 
to  fill  such  or  any  other  vacancy. 

4.  All  officers  under   the  existing   Government  are  hereby 
requested  to  continue  to  exercise  their  functions  and  perform 
the   duties    of  their    respective   offices,    with    the   exception  of 
the  following  named  persons  : 

QUEEN  LIUUOKALANI, 
CHARLES  B.  WILSON,  Marshal, 
SAMUEL  PARKER,  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs, 
W.  H.  CORNWELL,  Minister  of  Finance, 
JOHN  F.  COLBURN,  Minister  of  the  Interior, 
ARTHUR  P.  PETERSON,  Attorney- General, 
who  are  hereby  removed  from  office. 

5.  All    Hawaiian    Laws  and    Constitutional    principles  not 


inconsistent    herewith   shall    continue   in    force   until   further 
order  of  the  Executive  and  Advisory  Councils. 

(Signed)  HENRY. E.    COOPER,   Chairman; 

ANDREW  BROWN, 
THEODORE  F.  LANSING, 
JOHN  EMMELUTH, 
C.  BOLTE, 
ED.  SUHR, 

HENRY  WATERHOUSE, 
W.  C.  WILDER, 
F.  W.  MCCHESNEY, 
WM.  O.  SMITH, 
LORRIN  A.  THURSTON, 
WM.  R.  CASTLE, 

J.    A.    McCANDLESS, 

Committee  of  Safety. 
Honolulu,  H.  I.,  January  17th,  1893. 

THE     VOLUNTEERS. 

While  the  proclamation  was  being  read  Mr.  S.  M.  Damon 
asked  Mr.  C.  L.  Carter  to  go  over  and  ask  Lieut.  Swinburne 
if  he  would  send  them  a  guard.  Lieut.  Swinburne  replied  : 
"  Capt.  Wiltse's  orders  are  that  I  remain  passive,  or  neutral." 
By  the  time  that  the  reading  was  finished,  (2:30  p.  M.)  45 
men  of  Company  A  under  Capt.  Ziegler,  arrived  on  the 


61 


double  quick,  in  company  order.  Directly  after,  Company 
B  under  Capt.  Potter,  began  to  arrive.  The  grounds  were 
then  cleared  and  guards  set  at  the  gates  and  by  3  o'clock 
there  were  nearly  100  riflemen  drawn  up,  awaiting  orders. 

An  hour  later  it  was  estimated 
that  there  were  about  200  volun- 
teer troops  present.  During  the 
afternoon  until  dark,  citizens  were 
continually  arriving  and  being  en- 
rolled for  service,  and  patrols  were 
organized  to  guard  the  city  and  its 
suburbs  during  the  night.  At 
the  same  time  a  temporary  mili- 
tary organization  was  formed  with 
J.  H.  Soper  at  its  head.  He 
named  as  his  aids  George  F. 
McLeod,  D.  B.  Smith,  John  Good. 
Fred.  Wundenberg  and  J.  H.  Fisher.  Captains  Hugh 
Gunn,  George  C.  Potter,  Charles  Ziegler  and  J.  M.  Ca- 
mara,  Jr.,  were  placed  in  command  of  the  different  com- 
panies. 

Pickets  were  then  stationed  all  over  the  city  to  carry 
out  the  provisions  of  Martial  Law  which  had  been  pro- 
claimed by  the  new  government. 

After  the  reading  of  the  proclamation,  the  new  govern- 
ment at  once  took  possession  of  the  Treasury  and  all  the 
departments.  The  following  orders  were  issued : 


j.  H.  SOPEK. 


HONOLULU,  H.  I.,  Jan.  17th,  1893. 

PROVISIONAL    GOVERNMENT   OF   THE    HAWAIIAN    ISLANDS. 

ORDER   No.    1. 

All  persons  favorable  to  the  Provisional  Government  of 
the  Hawaiian  Islands  are  hereby  requested  to  forthwith 
report  to  the  Government  at  the  Government  building  to 
furnish  the  Government  such  arms  and  ammunition  as  they 
may  have  in  their  possession  or  control  as  soon  as  possible, 
in  order  that  efficient  and  complete  protection  to  life  and 
property  and  the  public  peace  may  immediately  and  effi- 
ciently be  put  into  operation. 

ORDER   No.   2. 

It  is  hereby  ordered  and  decreed  that  until  further  orders 
the  right  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  is  hereby  suspended 
and  Martial  Law  is  hereby  declared  to  exist  throughout 
the  Island  of  Oahu. 

All    liquor   saloons    were   closed    for   a   time. 

VARIOUS     COMMUNICATIONS. 

Soon  after  the  reading  of  the  Proclamation  President  Dole 
sent  notes  to  all  the  Diplomatic  and  Consular  representa- 


62 


tives  of  other  governments,  informing  them  of  what  had 
been  done,  and  asking  for  their  recognition  of  the  Provi- 
sional Government.  Mr.  Stevens  sent  down  his  aid,  Mr. 
Pringle,  before  4  p.  M.  to  the  Government  building  to  as- 
certain whether  the  Provisional  Government  was  actually 
in  possession. 

-  About  the  same  time  Major  J.  H.  Wodehouse,  the  British 
Commissioner,  with  the  British  Vice-Consul,  Mr.  T.  R. 
Walker,  called  upon  President  Dole,  to  verify  the  report  of 
the  occupation  and  to  learn  the  object  of  the  movement. 
After  leaving  the  room  he  spoke  of  it  as  an  oral  recog- 
nition. His  formal  written  recognition  was  received  on 
the  20th. 

Mr.  Fuji,  the  Japanese  Consul-General,  called  a  little 
later.  About  4:30  p.  M..  Capt.  Wiltse  and  Lieut.  Swinburne 
had  an  interview  with  President  Dole  in  what  had  been 
the  office  of  the  Minister  of  the  Interior.  The  situation  was 
explained  to  them,  and  Capt.  Wiltse  was  asked  if  he  was 
prepared  to  recognize  the  new  government.  As  Lieut.  Swin- 
burne states :  "  In  answer  Capt.  Wiltse  asked  if  their  Gov- 
ernment had  possession  of  the  Police  Station  and  barracks. 
President  Dole  replied  that  they  were  not  yet  in  possession 
of  them,  but  expected  to  hear  of  it  very  soon.  To  this  Capt. 
Wiltse  replied  :  '  Very  well,  gentlemen,  I  cannot  recognize 


then  the  late  ministry'  was  announced,  and  he  withdrew. 
Neither  party  suggested  the  idea  of  his  assisting  the  Provi- 
sional Government.  Nor  had  any  recognition  been  received 
from  Mr.  Stevens. 

The  volunteer  troops  also  understood  that  the  United 
States  blue  jackets  were  under  orders  to  remain  neutral,  and 
they  fully,  expected  to  fight  their  own  battles. 

LAST    APPEAL    OF    THE    CABINET    TO    STEVENS. 

Information  of  the  proclamation  of  the  Provisional  Gov- 
ernment had  been  promptly  brought  to  the  Station  House 
by  Mr.  McCarthy  and  others.  Mr.  Wilson  proposed  to  at- 
tack the  Provisional  Government  before  it  had  time  to  col- 
lect its  forces,  but  Mr.  Peterson  objected  that  this  course 
would  only  lead  to  a  conflict  with  the  United  States  troops. 
Accordingly,  the  Cabinet  decided,  after  consulting  Messrs. 
E.  C.  Macfarlane,  A.  Rosa  and  others,  to  address  a  letter  to 
Minister  Stevens  in  order  to  find  out  whether  he  had  recog- 
nized or  would  recognize  the  Provisional  Government.  The 
letter  was  dictated  by  Mr.  Peterson,  and  was  as  follows  : 


:    \i 

ognize   ^y 
ion   of   f 


"HONOLULU,  Jan.  17th,  1893. 

To   His    Excellency    JOHN    L.   STEVENS,    U.   S.    Envoy    Extra- 
ordinary  and    Minister    Plenipotentiary. 


you   as  a  de  facto  government   until   you   have   possession 

the    Police  Station    or  are    fully    prepared    to   guarantee    pro-'       Sir: — Her    Hawaiian    Majesty's   Government    having    been 

tection  to  life  and  property,'  or    words  to  that  effect."      Just     informed  that  certain  persons  to  them   unknown  have  issued 

63 


a  proclamation  declaring  a  Provisional  Government  to  exist 
in  opposition  to  Her  Majesty's  Government,  and  having  pre- 
tended to  depose  the  Queen,  Her  Cabinet  and  Marshal,  and 
that  certain  treasonable  persons  at  present  occupy  the  Gov- 
ernment building  in  Honolulu  with  an  armed  force,  and 
pretending  that  your  excellency,  on  behalf  of  the  United 
States  of  America,  has  recognized  such  Provisional  Govern- 
ment Her  Majesty's  Cabinet  asks  respectfully,  has  your 
excellency  recognized  said  Provisional  Government,  and  if 
not,  Her  Majesty's  Government,  under  the  above  existing 
circumstances,  respectfully  requests  the  assistance  of  your 
government  in  preserving  the  peace  of  the  country. 

We   have   the    honor, 

to  be  your  excellency's  obedient  servants, 
(Signed)  SAMUEL   PARKER, 

Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs; 
WILLIAM  H.  CORNWELL, 

Minister  </  Finance; 
JOHN  F.  COLBURN, 

Minister  of  Interior; 
A.  P.  PETERSON, 

Attorney—General." 

This  letter  was  dispatched  by  Mr.  C.  L.  Hopkins  to  Min- 
ister Stevens  a  little  after  3  p.  M. 

As  Mr.  Stevens  was  ill,  his  daughter  asked  Mr.  Hopkins 
to  wait  or  to  call  again  in  an  hour  and  he  chose  to  wait. 


Mr.  Stevens'  reply  which  was  received  at  the  Station  house 
near  4  P.  M.,  has  never  been  given  to  the  public,  but  the 
substance  of  it  may  be  gathered  from  the  following  entry 
on  the  files  of  the  U.  S.  Legation  : 

U.   S.   LEGATION, 
HONOLULU,   Jan.   17th,   1895. 

"About  4  to  5  P.  M.  of  this  date — am  not  certain  of  the 
precise  time — the  note  on  file  from  the  four  ministers  of  the 
deposed  Queen,  inquiring  if  I  had  recognized  the  Provisional 
Government,  came  to  my  hands  while  I  was  lying  sick  on 
the  couch.  Not  far  from  5  P.  M. — I  did  not  think  to  look 
at  my  watch — I  addressed  a  short  note  to  Hon.  Samuel 
Parker,  Hon.  Wm.  H.  Cornwell,  Hon.  John  F.  Colburn  and 
Hon.  A.  P.  Peterson,  (no  longer  regarding  them  as  min- 
isters), informing  them  that  I  had  recognized  the  Provi- 
sional Government. 

(Signed)  JOHN   L.   STEVENS, 

U.    S.    Mini*!,,-. 

This  reply  from  Mr.  Stevens  decided  the  Queen's  Cabinet 
to  resign,  but  it  appears  that  his  letter  of  recognition  was 
not  received  by  the  Provisional  Government  till  more  than 
an  hour  later. 

THE   QUEEN'S  SURRENDER.  <\ 

After  receiving  the  above  note  from  Mr.  Stevens,  the 
Queen's  Cabinet  sent  Mr.  Mehrtens,  the  Deputy  Marshal, 


64 


to  the  Government  building,  to  invite  the  Executive  Council 
to  come  to  the  Police  Station  for  a  conference.  This,  the 
Council  refused  to  do,  but  sent  an  assurance  to  the  Queen's 
Ministers  of  their  personal  safety,  if  they  would  come  up 
and  talk  over  the  situation. 

Accordingly,  Messrs.  Parker  and  Cornwell  came  up  and 
held  a  brief  conference.  At  their  suggestion,  Messrs.  Damon 
and  Bolte  were  deputed  to  accompany  them  back  to  the 
Police  Station.  On  arriving  there,  a  consultation  was  held 
in  the  deputy  marshal's  office,  between  Messrs.  Damon  and 
Bolte  on  one  side  and  the  Queen's  Cabinet  with  Messrs. 
Neumann  and  E.  C.  Macfarlane  on  the  other  side,  in  regard 
to  the  surrender  of  the  Station  house  and  barracks. 

The  two  former  told  the  Queen's  representatives,  that 
their  cause  was  lost,  and  that  they  would  be  responsible 
for  useless  bloodshed,  if  they  persisted  in  holding  out.  Mr. 
Wilson  refused  to  surrender  except  on  the  written  order  of 
the  Queen  and  her  Cabinet.  The  latter  proposed  to  sur- 
render under  protest.  Messrs.  Bolte  and  Damon  then  re- 
turned (about  5  p.  M.)  in  company  with  the  four  ministers, 
to  the  Government  building,  where  they  held  a  conference 
with  the  Executive  Council  in  the  Interior  Office,  Presi- 
dent Dole  said  that  he  would  prefer  to  settle  the  matter 
without  recourse  to  arms,  and  made  a  demand  upon  them 
to  deliver  up  to  him  what  government  property  remained 
in  their  possession.  They  asked  for  a  truce  till  the  next 
day,  which  was  refused.  They  then  said  that  before  a  final 


answer  could  be  given,  it  would  be  necessary  for  them  to 
consult  with  the  Queen,  and  asked  that  Mr.  Damon  should 
assist  them  in  explaining  the  situation  to  her.  Their  own 
influence  with  her  had  been  much  impaired  since  the  affair 
of  the  14th. 

About  this  time,  not  far  from  5:30  p.  M.,  Minister  Stevens' 
recognition  of  the  Provisional  Government  as  the  Govern- 
ment de  facto,  was  brought  in  by  Mr.  Geo.  H.  Paris.  It 
was  as  follows  : 

"  UNITED   STATES   LEGATION, 
"HONOLULU,   H.   I.,   Jan.   17,   1893. 

"  A  Provisional  Government  having  been  duly  constituted 
in  the  place  of  the  recent  government  of  Queen  Liliuokalani, 
and  said  Provisional  Government  being  in  full  possession 
of  the  Government  buildings,  the  archives  and  the  treasury, 
and  in  control  of  the  Capitol  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands,  I 
hereby  recognize  said  Provisional  Government  as  the  de  facto 
Government  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands. 

(Signed)  JOHN  L.  STEVENS, 

U.  S.  Envoy  Kxtraordinary  and  Afininter 
Plenipotentiary." 

It  should  be  observed  in  this  connection  that  a  recognition 
is  a  verv  different  thing  from  an  alliance.  Although  this 
recognition  of  the  'Provisional  Government  as  the  de  facto 
Government,  gave  it  the  moral  support  of  the  U.  S.  Minister, 


65 


it  gave  no  one  any  reason  to  expect  that  the  U.  S.  naval  Wilson  to  surrender  the  Station  House,  which  he  refused  to 
forces  would  depart  in  the  slightest  degree  from  their  atti-  do.  By  this  time  the  lamps  had  been  lighted,  and  the  Queen's 
tude  of  neutrality,  nor  did  it  preclude  a  trial  of  strength  ^surrender  was  signed  about  6:30  p.  M.  It  is  as  follows  : 


between   the   opposing   parties. 

In  the  mean  time  Mr.  Mehrtens  had  been  sent  to  request 
the  attendance  of  Mr.  J.  O.  Carter,  who  arrived  at  the 
Council  Chamber,  (the  former  office  of  the  Minister  of 
Finance),  a  little  before  6  P.  M.,  when  he  learned  that  Mr. 
Stevens  had  just  recognized  the  Provisional  Government. 
He  was  then  asked  to  accompany  Mr.  Damon  to  the  Palace,  the 
Queen's  Cabinet  having  already  gone  over.  No  instructions 


"I  Liliuokalani,  by  the  Grace  of  God  and  under  the  Con- 
stitution of  the  Hawaiian  Kingdom,  Queen,  do  hereby  solemnly 
protest  against  any  and  all  acts  done  against"  myself  and 
the  Constitutional  Government  of  the  Hawaiian  Kingdom  by 
certain  persons  claiming  to  have  established  a  Provisional 
Government  of  and  for  this  Kingdom. 

'' That  ft  yield  to  the  superior  force  of  the  United  States 
of  America  whose  Minister  Plenipotentiary,  His  Excellency 


or  credentials  were  given  them,  and  it  does   not  appear  that     John    L.    Stevens,    has    caused    United    States    troops    to    be 


they  were  empowered  to  negotiate  any  terms  of  surrender. 

They   found   the   Queen    in   the   blue  room  in  consultation 
with    her    four    ministers,    besides    Messrs.    Paul    Neumann 


landed:at  Honolulu  and    declared  that  he  would  support  the 
Provisional  Government. 
'vNow  to  avoid  any  collision  of  armed    forces,  and  perhaps 


E.  C.   Macfarlane,  H.  A.  Widemann  and  others.     Mr.   Damon      the    loss    of    life,    I    do    under   this    protest    and   impelled  by 


at  once  informed  her  of  the  establishment  of  the  Provisional 
Government  and  of  her  deposition  as  Sovereign,  and  added 
that  she  might  prepare  a  protest  if  she  wished  to  do  so. 
Messrs.  J.  0.  Carter,  Widemann  and  Neumann  advised  her 
to  resign  under  protest,  in  the  hope  and  expectation  that 
her  case  would  be  considered  at  Washington. 

Mr.  Widemann  referred  to  the  restoration  of  the  flag 
in  1843  after  a  conditional  cession  to  Great  Britain,  as  a 
parallel  case.  At  the  Queen's  request,  Mr.  Neumann  pro- 
ceeded to  draft  a  protest,  which  does  credit  to  his  shrewd- 
ness and  foresight.  Meanwhile  an  order  was  sent  to  Marshal 


said  force  yield  my  authority  until  such  time  as  the  Gov- 
ernment of  the  United  States  shall,  upon  the  facts  being 
presented  to  it,  undo  the  action  of  its  representative  and 
reinstate"  me  in  the  authority  which  I  claim  as  the  Constitu- 
tional Sovereign  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands.' 

"Done  at  Honolulu  this  17th  day  of  January,  A.   D.  1893. 
(Signed)  LILIUOKALANI  R. 

(Signed)  SAMUEL  PARKER, 

Minister  of  Foreign  Affdir*. 
(Signed)  WM.  H.  CORNWELL, 

Minister  of  Finance." 


66 


Mr.  Damon  and  the  ex-ministers  then  returned  to  the 
Government  Building  with  the  Queen's  protest,  which  was 
received  by  President  Dole,  and  endorsed  as  follows  : 

"  Received  from  the  hands  of  the  late  Cabinet,  this  17th 
day  of  January.  1893. 

(Signed)  SANKORD  B.  DOLE, 

Chairman  of  the    Executive   Council  of  the 
Provisional    Government." 

Before  endorsing  it,  he  said  to  his  colleagues,  "  here  is  a 
statement  which  they  want  to  file,  and  I  see  no  objection 
to  acknowledging  its  receipt." 

It  is  now  evident,  however,  that  the  acceptance  of  that 
protest  without  an  express  denial  of  the  misleading  allega- 
tion contained  therein,  was  a  grave  political  mistake.  Little 
importance  or  significance  was  attached  to  it  at  the  time 
by  most  people,  but  its  consequences  have  been  momentous 
and  far  reaching.  If  an  unqualified  surrender  had  been 
insisted  upon  at  that  time,  even  at  the  cost  of  a  little 
bloodshed,  it  might  have  settled  matters  once  for  all  on  a 
solid  basis. 

While  the  terms  of  the  Queen's  surrender  were  being  dis- 
cussed at  the  Palace,  President  Dole  wrote  to  Mr.  Stevens, 
suggesting  the  co-operation  of  the  United  States  troops  with 
the  citizen  volunteers  during  the  night  in  preserving  order. 
The  letter  was  as  follows  ; 


GOVERNMENT  BUILDING, 

HONOLULU,  January  17,  1893. 

His  EXCELLENCY  JOHN  L.  STEVENS,  UNITED  STATES  MINISTER 
RESIDENT. 

Sir: — I  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  valued  communi- 
cation of  this  day,  recognizing  the  Hawaiian  Provisional 
Government,  and  express  deep  appreciation  of  the  same.  We 
have  conferred  with  the  Ministers  of  the  late  Government, 
and  have  made  demand  upon  the  Marshal  to  surrender  the 
Station  House.  We  are  not  actually  in  possession  of  the 
Station  House,  but  as  night  is  approaching  and  our  forces 
may  be  insufficient  to  maintain  order,  we  request  the  imme- 
diate support  of  the  United  States  forces,  and  would  request 
that  the  Commander  of  the  United  States  forces  take  com- 
mand of  our  military  forces  so  that  they  may  act  together 
for  the  protection  of  the  city. 

Respectfully    yours, 

SANFORD  B.  DOLE, 
Chairman  of  Executive  Council. 

Endorsed  as  follows  : 


The  above  request  not  complied  with. 
(Signed) 


STEVENS. 


This  request  met  with  a  prompt  refusal  from  Capt.  Wiltse, 
which  again  illustrates  the  strict  neutrality  observed  by  the 


forces  of  the  United  States.     The  event  proved  the  request  to      evening.      The    whole   district   was.    strictly   patrolled    by  the 
have   been   unnecessary.  citizen  guards  during  the   night. 


SURRENDER    OF   THE    STATION    HOUSE    AND    BARRACKS. 

About  7  P.  M.  the  Queen's  Ministers  returned  to  the  Station 
House,  accompanied  by  Messrs.  Neumann,  E.  C.  Macfarlane, 
A.  Rosa  and  others,  and  showed  Marshal  Wilson  the  Queen's 
protest,  upon  which  he  consented  to  surrender  the  place 
and  the  arms  in  his  possession.  About  7:30  P.  M.  it  was  for- 
mally delivered  up  to  Messrs.  J.  H.  Soper  and  J.  A.  Mc- 
Candless,  when  a  detachment  of  twenty  riflemen  under 
Capt.  Ziegler  marched  in  and  took  possession. 

About  the  same  time  Capt.  Nowlein,  commander  of  the 
Queen's  troops,  reported  to  President  Dole  for  orders,  and 
was  directed  to  keep  his  men  and  all  their  arms  inside  of 
the  barracks  for  the  night,  and  not  to  post  guards  as  here- 
tofore in  the  palace  enclosure. 

His  men  were  paid  off  and  disbanded  on  the  evening  of 
the  18th,  when  ninety  Springfield  rifles,  seventy-five  Win- 
chesters, one  Catling  gun  and  an  Austrian  field  battery  of 
eight  pieces,  with  a  large  stock  of  ammunition  were  turned 
over  to  the  Provisional  Government. 

The  Queen  left  the  Palace  about  11  A.  M.  of  Wednesday, 
the  18th,  and  retired  to  her  private  residence,  known  as 
Washington  Place. 

The   Councils  remained   in   session  until  Jl  p.  M.  Tuesday 


RECOGNITIONS,    ETC. 

On  the  18th  of  January,  the  Provisional  Government  was 
recognized  as  the  dt  facto  government  of  the  Hawaiian  Isl- 
and?, by  the  diplomatic  and  Consular  representatives  of 
Austro-Hungary,  Belgium,  Chili,  Denmark,  France,  Germany, 
Italy,  Mexico,  the  Netherlands,  Peru,  Portugal,  Russia  and 
Spain.  The  representatives  of  Great  Britain  and  Japan 
delayed  their  formal  recognition  until  the  20th. 

On  the  19th,  the  U.  S.  force  in  Arion  Hall  was  removed 
to  much  more  commodious  quarters  in  the  Bishop  premises 
on  King  Street,  formerly  called  "  Aigupita"  which  was  for 
the  time  named  "Camp  Boston." 

DISPATCH    OF   THE    ANNEXATION    COMMISSIONERS. 

The  closing  scenes  of  the  Legislature  of  1892,  and  the 
attempted  Coup  d'etat  of  January  14,  had  convinced  many 
conservative  citizens  that  annexation  to  the  United  States 
was  the  only  step  that  would  secure  permanent  peace  and 
prosperity  to  the  Islands.  It  was  the  hope  of  annexation 
that  gave  unity  and  confidence  to  the  supporters  of  the  revolu- 
tion, and  had  been  declared  to  be  its  ultimated  object  in  the 
proclamation  of  the  Provisional  Government,  Besides  as 


68 


L.  A    THURSTON.  W.  R.  CASTLE.  C.  L.  CARTER 

W    C.  WILDER.  J    MARSDEN. 


Senator  Morgan  has  stated,  "  speedy  action  in  completing  the  tained,  Recruits  flowed  in  steadily,  without  any  special 
union  was  desirable  for  many  obvious  reasons,  among  which 
the  injurious  disturbance  to  commerce  and  danger  to  the 
public  peace,  growing  out  of  a  protracted  agitation  of  so 
grave  a  matter,  are  conspicuous."  Accordingly  it  was  de- 
cided to  dispatch  the  steamer  Claudine  at  once  to  San 
Francisco  with  a  Commission,  empowered  to  negotiate  a 
treaty  of  union  with  the  United  States.  She  sailed  from 
Honolulu  in  the  morning  of  Thursday,  the  19th  of  January 
for  San  Francisco  with  the  special  Commission  to  Washing- 
ton on  board,  which  consisted  of  Messrs.  L.  A.  Thurston, 
VV.  C.  Wilder,  W.  R.  Castle,  J.  Marsden  and  C.  L.  Carter. 
The  Queen  was  allowed  to  send  letters  by  the  same  vessel, 
but  a  passage  on  it  was  denied  her  envoys.  Many  promi- 
nent citizens  were  present  at  the  Wilder  dock  to  bid  them 
God  speed,  and  on  the  departure  of  the  vessel,  three  hearty 
cheers  were  given  for  the  Commission. 

The  voyage  was  prosperous  and  on  the  morning  of  Janu- 
ary 28,  the  Commission  landed  in  San  Francisco,  leaving  on 
the  following  day  for  Washington. 

Among  the  first  acts  of  the  Provisional  Government  was 
the  repeal  of  the  Lottery  act  and  of  the  Opium  License  law, 
which  had  been  signed  by  the  Queen  January  13.  Measures 
were  promptly  taken  for  organizing  the  National  Guard  of 
Hawaii.  Strong  guards  of  Volunteers  were  kept  up  at  the 
Government  building  as  well  as  at  the  Palace,  the  barracks 
and  police  station,  and  regular  street  patrols  were  main- 


effort  to  obtain  them. 

THE    PROTECTORATE. 

So  far  the  government  had  been  sustained  and  good  order 
preserved  by  the  voluntary  services  of  the  best  citizens  of 
Honolulu.  Time  was  needed  to  form  a  new  police  force  and 
to  organize  and  drill  a  small  body  of  regular  troops.  Mean- 
while the  incessant  agitation  and  the  alarming  rumors  kept 
up  by  the  opponents  of  the  Government  produced  a  general 
feeling  of  uneasiness.  Besides  this,  there  was  pressure  from 
without.  As  Mr.  Stevens  afterwards  stated  before  a  Com- 
mittee of  the -United  States  Senate,  the  Japanese  Consul- 
General  had  lost  no  time  in  demanding  of  the  new  Government 
the  right  of  suffrage  for  Japanese  subjects  in  the  Islands, 
and  had  sent  a  request  to  his  government  by  the  Claudine 
for  a  powerful  cruiser,  in  addition  to  the  training  ship 
Kongo.  A  British  ship  of  war  was  expected  by  the  British 
Commissioner,  who  strongly  opposed  the  project  of  annexa- 
tion to  the  United  States.  It  was  believed  that  any  out- 
break, even  if  it  was  promptly  crushed,  would  give  color  to 
the  assertion  at  Washington  that  affairs  in  Hawaii  were  in 
a  chaotic  state,  and  that  the  Provisional  Government  had 
no  stable  authority.  The  strain  on  the  Executive  Council 
was  severe. 

Accordingly  on  January  31,  it  was  decided  to  request  Min- 


69 


ister  Stevens  "to  raise  the  flag  of  the  United  States  for  the 
protection  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands,  for  the  time  being," 
*  *  *  "  but  not  interfering  with  the  administration  of 
public  affairs  by  this  government." 

In  accordance  with  the  terms  of  this  request,  at  8:30 
A.  M.,  February  1st,  Capt.  Wiltse  proceeded  to  the  Govern- 
ment building,  and  a  few  moments  later  the  battalion  of 
the  U.  S.  S.  Boston  under  Lieut.  Com.  Swinburne,  marched 
up  the  street,  entered  the  grounds,  and  drew  up  in  front 
of  the  building. 

Detachments  from  the  three  volunteer  Companies  A,  B 
and  C  were  drawn  up  in  line,  under  the  command  of  their 
respective  captains,  Ziegler,  Gunn  and  Camara.  Just  before 
9  o'clock  Lieut.  Rush  read  in  a  loud  voice  the  following 
proclamation,  and  punctually  at  9  o'clock,  amid  the  breath- 
less silence  of  all  present,  the  flag,  saluted  by  the  troops, 
and  by  the  cannon  of  the  Boston,  was  raised  above  the 
tower  of  Aliiolani  Hale. 

The  following  is  the  text  of  the  proclamation  : 

"To  THE   HAWAIIAN    PEOPLE: 

At  the  request  of  the  Provisional  Government  of  the  Ha- 
waiian Islands,  I  hereby,  in  the  name  of  the  United  States 
of  America,  assume  protection  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands  for 
the  protection  of  life  and  property,  and  occupation  of  public 
buildings  and  Hawaiian  soil,  so  far  as  may  be  necessary 
for  the  purpose  specified,  but  not  interfering  with  the 


administration    of  public   affairs    by  the    Provisional   Govern- 
ment. 

This  action  is  taken,  pending,  and  subject  to,  negotiations 
at  Washington. 

JOHN   L.  STEVENS. 

•  Envoy  Extraordinary  and  Minister  Plenipoten- 

tiary  of  the    United    States. 

United    States    Legation,    February    1,    1893. 

Approved    and    executed    by 

G.   C.    WILTSE,   Capt.    U.   S.    N., 

Commanding  the   United  States  Ship  Boston." 

(From  "Two  Weeks  of  Hawaiian  History.") 

"The  custody  of  the  Government  building  was  then  turned 
over  to  Lieut.  Draper  with  his  company  of  25  marines.  The 
American  flag  floated  from  the  tower  of  the  Government 
building,  while  the  Hawaiian  flag  continued  to  float  from 
the  flag  staff  in  the  grounds. 

"The  wisdom  of  the  Government's  course,  in  requesting 
the  protectorate,  was  justified  by  the  result.  A  general  feet- 
ing  of  relief  spread  itself  throughout  the  community.  The 
maintenance  of  the  citizen  soldiers,  many  of  whom  could 
ill  spare  the  strength  and  time,  which  they  required  for 
their  daily  bread  had  been  somewhat  burdensome.  While 
these  soldiers  were  willing  to  support  the  Government  as 
long  as  necessary,  most  of  them  were  glad  to  be  able  to 


70 


H.  I    ,T.  M.  S.  NANIWA. 


U.  S.  S.  BOSTON. 


return  to  their  ordinary  occupations.  The  power  of  the  Fro- 
visional  Government  to  maintain  itself  against  all  coiners 
was  never  doubted  for  a  moment,  but  it  was  naturally  felt 
that  the  safest  course  was  to  be  in  constant  readiness  for 
an  attack,  even  though  the  probability  of  any  being  made 
might  be  very  small.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  it  is  not  likely 
that  an  armed  attempt  to  overthrow  the  government  would 
have  been  made. 

"On  Sunday,  the  5th  of  February,  martial  law  was  abro- 
gated and  the  right  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  restored. 
No  use  had  been  made  of  its  suspension,  and  no  political 
arrests  of  any  kind  were  found  necessary." 

Although,  as  stated  above,  the  protectorate  gave  the  coun- 
try two  months  of  profound  peace  and  security  from  inter- 
nal as  well  as  external  dangers,  it  no  doubt  prejudiced  the 
cause  of  annexation  at  Washington,  and  tended  to  place  the 
Provisional  Government  in  a  false  light. 

In  a  letter  by  the  U.  S.  Secretary  of  State,  Hon.  John 
\V.  Foster,  to  Minister  Stevens,  dated  February  llth,  he 
defines  the  limits  of  the  protectorate  as  follows  : 

"  So  far,  therefore,  as  your  action  amounts  to  according, 
at  the  request  of  the  de  facto  Sovereign  Government  of  the 
Hawaiian  Islands,  the  co-operation  of  the  moral  and  mate-_ 
rial  forces  of  the  United  States  for  the  protection  of  life 
and  property  from  apprehended  disorders,  your  action  is 
commended.  But  so  far  as  it  may  appear  to  overstep  the 
limit  by  setting  the  authority  and  power  of  the  United 


States  above  that  of  the  Government  of  the  Hawaiian 
Islands,  in  the  capacity  of  protector,  or  to  impair  in  any 
way  the  independent  sovereignty  of  the  Hawaiian  Govern- 
ment by  substituting  the  flag  and  power  of  the  United 
States  as  the  symbol  and  manifestation  of  paramount  autho- 
rity, it  is  disavowed." 

Mr.  Stevens  claimed  that  what  had  actually  been  done 
was  in  exact  accordance  with  the  above  dispatch,  and  said 
"  there  was  no  period  in  which  I  was  more  unconnected 
with  internal  affairs  than  in  that  period  when  the  flag 
was  up." 

H.  B.  M.  ship  Garnet,  Capt.  Hughes-Hallet,  R.  N.,  arrived 
February  12th,  and  the  Japanese  protected  cruiser  Naniwa 
Kan,  arrived  on  February  28th,  the  latter  vessel  remaining 
until  May  llth.  The  attitude  of  the  officers  of  these  two 
ships  while  in"  port  was  such  as  to  fully  justify  the  exist- 
ing protectorate  as  a  measure  of  precaution. 


CHAPTER   IV. 


NEGOTIATIONS     AT     WASHINGTON. 


The  five  Commissioners  of  the  Provisional  Government 
arrived  at  Washington,  February  3d,  and  were  well  received 
by  the  administration.  The  favor  with  which  their  mission 


71 


was  received  by  the  press  and  people  of  the  United  States 
surpassed  all  expectation,  and  the  impression  then  made 
has  never  been  effaced.  The  Chamber  of  Commerce  of  San 
Francisco  and  the  Legislatures  of  several  states  passed  reso- 
lutions in  favor  of  annexation. 

They  had  official  interviews  with  the  Secretary  of  State 
on  the  4th,  7th  and  9th  of  February,  and  were  introduced 
to  President  Harrison  on  the  llth.  Hon.  C.  R.  Bishop  and 
W.  A.  Kinney  joined  them  at  Washington,  and  gave  them 
valuable  assistance,  both  by  their  influence  and  their  coun- 
sel. President  Harrison  and  his  Cabinet  devoted  much  time 
and  study  to  the  subject  of  the  proposed  treaty  of  annexa- 
tion, giving  it  precedence  over  other  business  for  the  time. 

On  the  7th,  Secretary  Foster  informed  the  Commissioners 
that  the  Cabinet  had  decided  to  proceed  immediately  with 
the  negotiation  of  the  treaty  of  annexation,  which  they  had 
reason  to  believe  would  be  ratified  by  the  necessary  two- 
thirds  vote  of  the  Senate.  The  financial  provisions  neces- 
sary for  carrying  out  the  treaty  might  be  left  to  be  acted 
upon  by  the  House  of  Representatives  at  a  later  period.  Ac- 
cordingly the  treaty  was  drawn  up  by  the  Secretary  and 
the  Hawaiian  Commissioners,  and  signed  on  the  14th  of 
February.  In  drafting  this  treaty  it  was  sought  to  accom- 
plish its  main  object  without  infringing  on  the  legislative 
prerogatives  of  Congress,  to  avoid  arousing  unnecessary 
opposition  in  that  branch  of  the  government.  Hence  it 
reserved  to  Congress  the  determination  of  all  questions  relat- 


ing to  the  future  form  of  government  of  the  annexed  terri- 
tory, the  manner  and  terms  under  which  the  revenue  and 
navigation  laws  of  the  United  States  were  to  be  extended 
to  it,  etc.,  but  provided  that  until  Congress  should  legislate 
on  these  subjects,  the  existing  government  and  laws  of  the 
Hawaiian  Islands  should  be  continued  in  vforce. 

On  this  point  President  Harrison  expressed  himself  as 
follows  :  "  This  legislation  should  be,  and,  I  doubt  not,  will 
be  not  only  just  to  the  natives  and  all  other  residents  of 
the  islands,  but  should  be  characterized  by  great  liberality 
and,  a  high  regard  to  the  rights  of  the  people  and  of  all 
foreigners  domiciled  there." 

The  treaty  made  a  liberal  provision  for  the  deposed  Queen 
Liliuokalani,  and  the  Princess  Kaiulani.  It  was  laid  before 
the  Senate  for  its  concurrence  on  the  17th  of  February,  and 
was  in  the  following  terms : 

"  The  United  States  of  America  and  the  Provisional  Gov- 
ernment of  the  Hawaiian  Islands,  in  view  of  the  natural 
dependence  of  those  islands  upon  the  United  States,  of  their 
geographical  proximity  thereto,  of  the  intimate  part  taken 
by  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  in  their  implanting  the 
seeds  of  Christian  civilization,  of  the  long  continuance  of 
their  exclusive  reciprocal  commercial  relations  whereby  their 
mutual  interests  have  been  developed,  and  the  preponderant 
and  paramount  share  thus  acquired  by  the  United  States 
and  their  citizens  in  the  productions,  industries  and  trade 
of  the  said  Islands,  and  especially  in  view  of  the  desire 


72 


expressed  by  the  said  Government  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands 
that  those  Islands  shall  be  incorporated  into  the  United 
States  as  an  integral  part  thereof  and  under  sovereignty, 
in  order  to  provide  for  and  assure  the  security  and  pros- 
perity of  the  said  islands,  the  High  Contracting  Parties  have 
determined  to  accomplish  by  treaty  an  object  so  important 
to  their  mutual  and  permanent  welfare. 

To  this  end  the  High  Contracting  Parties  have  conferred 
full  power  and  authority  upon  their  respectively  appointed 
Plenipotentiaries,  to  wit  : 

The  President  of  the  United  States  of  America,  John  W. 
Foster,  Secretary  of  State  of  the  United  States  ;  and 

The  President  of  the  Executive  and  Advisory  Councils  of 
the  Provisional  Government  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands,  Lorrin 
A  Thurston,  William  R.  Castle,  William  C.  Wilder,  Charles 
L.  Carter  and  Joseph  Mars-den  ; 

And  the  said  Plenipotentiaries,  after  having  communicated 
to  each  other  their  respective  full  powers,  found  in  good  and  due 
form,  have  agreed  upon  and  concluded  the  following  articles  : 

ARTICLE  I. 

The  Government  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands  hereby  cedes, 
from  the  date  of  the  exchange  of  the  ratifications  of  this 
Treaty,  absolutely  and  without  reserve  to  the  United  States 
forever  all  rights  of  sovereignty  of  whatsoever  kind  in  and 
over  the  Hawaiian  Islands  and  their  dependencies,  renoun- 


cing in  favor  of  the  United  States  every  sovereign  right  of 
which  as  an  independent  nation  it  is  now  possessed  ;  and 
henceforth  said  Hawaiian  Islands  and  every  island  and  key 
thereunto  appertaining  and  each  and  every  portion  thereof 
shall  become  and  be  an  integral  part  of  the  territory  of  the 
United  States 

ARTICLE  II. 

The  Government  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands  also  cedes  and 
transfers  to  the  United  States  the  absolute  fee  and  owner- 
ship of  all  public,  government  or  crown  lands,  public  build- 
ings or  edifices,  ports,  harbors,  fortifications,  military  or 
naval  equipments  and  all  other  public  property  of  every 
kind  and  description  belonging  to  the  Government  of  the 
Hawaiian  Islands,  together  with  every  right  and  appurte- 
nance thereunto  appertaining.  The  existing  laws  of  the 
United  States  relative  to  public  lands  shall  not  apply  to 
such  lands  in  the  Hawaiian  Islands,  hut  the  Congress  of 
the  United  States  shall  enact  special  laws  for  their  man- 
agement and  disposition  :  Provided,  that  all  revenue  from 
or  proceeds  of  the  same,  except  as  regards  such  part  thereof 
as  may  be  used  or  occupied  for  the  civil,  military  or  naval 
purposes  of  the  United  States  or  may  be  assigned  to  the 
local  use  of  the  Government,  shall  he  used  solely  for  the 
benefit  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands  for  educa- 
tional and  other  public  purposes. 


73 


ARTICLE    III. 

Until  Congress  shall  otherwise  provide,  the  existing  Gov- 
ernment and  laws  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands  are  hereby  con- 
tinued, suhject  to  the  paramount  authority  of  the  United 
States.  The  President,  by  and  with  the  consent  of  the 
Senate,  shall  appoint  a  Commissioner  to  reside  in  said 
Islands  who  shall  have  the  power  to  veto  any  act  of  suid 
Government,  and  an  act  disapproved  by  him  shall  there- 
upon be  void  and  of  no  effect  unless  approved  by  the 
President. 

Congress  shall,  within  one  year  from  the  exchange  of  the 
ratifications  of  this  Treaty,  enact  the  necessary  legislation 
to  extend  to  the  Hawaiian  Islands  the  laws  of  the  United 
States  respecting  duties  upon  imports,  the  internal  revenue, 
commerce  and  navigation  ;  but  until  Congress  shall  other- 
wise provide,  the  existing  commercial  relations  of  the  Ha- 
waiian Islands,  both  with  the  United  States  and  foreign 
countries  shall  continue  as  regards  the  commerce  of  said 
Islands  with  the  rest  of  the  United  States  and  with  foreign 
countries,  but  this  shall  not  be  construed  as  giving  to  said 
Islands  the  power  to  enter  into  any  new  stipulation  or 
agreement  whatsoever  or  to  have  diplomatic  intercourse  with 
any  foreign  government.  The  consular  representatives  of 
foreign  powers  now  resident  in  the  Hawaiian  Islands  shall 
be  permitted  to  continue  in  the  exercise  of  their  consular 


functions    until    they    can   receive   their   exequaturs    from    the 
Government   of    the    United    States. 

ARTICLE    IV. 

The  further  •  immigration  of  Chinese  laborers  into  the 
Hawaiian  Islands  is  hereby  prohibited  until  Congress  shall 
otherwise  provide.  Furthermore,  Chinese  persons  of  the 
classes  now  or  hereafter  excluded  by  law  from  entering  the 
United  States  will  not  be  permitted  to  come  from  the  Ha- 
waiian Islands  to  other  parts  of  the  United  States,  and  if 
so  coming  shall  be  subject  to  the  same  penalties  as  if  enter- 
ing from  a  foreign  country. 

ARTICLE   V. 

The  public  debt  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands,  lawfully  exist- 
ing at  the  date  of  the  exchange  of  the  ratifications  of  this 
Treaty,  including  the  amounts  due  to  depositors  in. the  Ha- 
waiian Postal  Savings  Bank,  is  hereby  assumed  by  the  Gov- 
ernment of  the  United  States ;  but  the  liability  of  the 
United  States  in  this  regard  shall  in  no  case  exceed  three 
and  one  quarter  millions  of  dollars.  So  long,  however,  as 
the  existing  Government  and  the  present  commercial  rela- 
tions of  the  Hawaiian  Islands  are  continued,  as  herein 
before  provided,  said  Government  shall  continue  to  pay  the 
interest  on  said  debt. 


74 


RAILWAY  AND 


ARTICLE   VI. 

The  Government  of  the  United  States  agrees  to  pay  to 
Liliuokalani,  the  late  Queen,  within  one  year  from  the  date 
of  the  exchange  of  the  ratifications  of  this  Treaty  the  sum 
of  Twenty  Thousand  Dollars,  and  annually  thereafter  a  like 
sum  of  twenty  thousand  dollars  during  the  term  of  her 
natural  life,  provided  she  in  good  faith  submits  to  the 
authority  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States  and  the 
local  Government  of  the  Islands. 

And  the  Government  of  the  United  States  further  agrees 
to  pay  to  Princess  Kaiulani  within  one  year  from  the  date 
of  the  exchange  of  the  ratifications  of  this  Treaty  the  gross 
sum  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  dollars,  provided 
she  in  good  faith  submits  to  the  authority  of  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  United  States  and  the  local  Government  of  the 
[glands. 

ARTICLE    VII. 

The  present  Treaty  shall  be  ratified  by  the  President  of 
the  United  States,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of 
the  Senate,  on  the  one  part,  and  by  the  Provisional  Govern- 
ment of  the  Hawaiian  Islands  on  the  other,  and  the  ratifica- 
tions thereof  shall  be  exchanged  at  Honolulu  as  soon  as 
possible.  Such  exchange  shall  be  made  on  the  part  of  the 
United  States  by  the  Commissioner  hereinbefore  provided 


for,  and  it  shall  operate  as  a  complete  and  final  conveyance 
to  the  United  States  of  all  the  rights  and  property  herein 
ceded  to  them.  Within  one  month  of  such  exchange  of  rati- 
fications the  Provisional  Government  shall  furnish  said 
Commissioner  with  a  full  and  complete  schedule  of  all  the 
public  property  herein  ceded  and  transferred. 

IN  WITNESS  WHEREOF,  the  respective  Plenipotentiaries  have 
signed  the  above  articles  and  have  hereunto  affixed  their 
seals. 

Done  in  duplicate  at  the  city  of  Washington  this  four- 
teenth day  of  February,  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and 

ninety   three. 

JOHN  W.  FOSTER,          [SEAL] 

LORRIN  A.  THURSTON,  [SEAL] 

WILLIAM  R.  CASTLE,  [SKAL] 

WILLIAM  C.  WILDER,  [SEAL] 

CHARLES  L.  CARTER,  [SEAL] 

JOSEPH  MARSDKN.  [SEAL] 

The  Treaty  was  favorably  reported  upon  by  the  Committee 
on  Foreign  Relations,  of  which  Senator  Morgan  is  the  chair- 
man, and  was  favored  by  a  large  majority  of  the  Senate.  It 
was,  however,  so  near  the  close  of  the  Congressional  term 
that  it  was  impossible  to  press  the  matter  to  a  vote,  or  even 
to  gain  time  for  a  discussion  of  it  in  the  executive  session. 
It  had  to  be  left  as  a  legacy  to  the  next  administration. 
Nor  was  it  long  before  certain  adverse  influences  began  to 
manifest  their  presence  in  Congress. 


76 


THE     MISSION    OB'    PAUL    NEUMANN. 

The  ex-Queen  had  sent  a  letter  to  President  Harrison  on 
the  19th  of  January,  by  the  Claudine,  requesting  that  no 
steps  should  be  taken  by  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  until  her  side  of  the  case  had  been  heard.  On  the 
2d  of  February,  she  dispatched  two  commissioners  by  the 
Australia,  to  represent  her  cause  at  Washington,  viz.,  Mr.  Paul 
Neumann  and  the  young  prince  David  Kawananakoa.  They 
were  accompanied  to  Washington  and  back  to  Honolulu  by 
Mr.  E.  C.  Macfarlane,  one  of  the  ablest  of  her  adherents. 

Paul  Neumann  carried  with  him  not  only  a  commission 
as  envoy  extraordinary  and  minister  plenipotentiary,  but 
also  a  power  of  attorney,  authorizing  him  in  the  first  place, 
to  negotiate  with  the  United  States  Government  for  "  such 
njjiciid  or  other  consideration,  benefit  or  advantage"  as  could 
be  obtained  from  the  United  States  for  herself  and  Kaiulani; 
and  secondly;  if  "  no  nffirial  consideration "  for  herself  or 
Kaiulani  should  be  attainable,  then  to  arrange  for  "such 
pecuniary  considerations,  benefits  and  advantages,"  as  could 
be  secured  for  herself  and  Kaiulani  from  the  United  States, 
and  to  execute  in  her  name  whatever  releases  and  acquit- 
tances of  all  her  "claims  to  the  throne  of  the  Hawaiian 
Islands "  might  be  requisite  to  secure  such  pecuniary  con- 
sideration. 

Mr.    Neumann    also   took   with   him  a  letter  signed  by   the 


ex-Queen  on  the  31st  of  January,  addressed  to  the  President 
elect,  Hon.  Grover  Cleveland,  in  which  she  asked  for  his 
"  friendly  assistance  in  granting  redress  for  a  wrong  which 
we  claim  has  been  done  to  us,  under  color  of  the  assistance 
of  the  naval  forces  of  the  United  States  in  a  friendly  port." 
As  her  attorney,  he  had  skillfully  drawn  up  a  precis  or 
statement  of  the  circumstances  attending  the  revolution,  to 
support  this  contention  that  the  Queen's  surrender  had  been 
compelled  by  the  forces  of  the  U.  S.  ship  Boston.  In  this 
document  he  made  the  following  statement  in  regard  to  the 
events  succeeding  the  revolution : 

"  This  state  of  things  was  only  made  possible  by  the 
armed  support  of  the  United  States  troops  ashore  and  the 
guns  of  the  U.  S.  warship  Hoaton,  trained  on  the  town.  The 
usurpation  of  authority  would  not  have  lasted  an  hour  with- 
out such  armed  support  and  encouragement  by  the  United 
States  Minister. 

As  a  logical  sequence  to  these  events,  the  lawless  and 
criminal  foreign  element,  armed  by  the  usurpers,  and  paid 
to  terrorize  the  natives  and  law  abiding  citizens,  now  dis- 
played a  mutinous  spirit,  and  the  Provisional  Government 
was  compelled  to  call  upon  the  American  Minister  to  assume 
a  protectorate,  and  to  disband  its  armed  force,  which  was 
accomplished  on  February  1st.  This  fact  alone  demonstrates 
that  the  so-called  Provisional  Government  has  no  strength 
of  its  own,  either  to  preserve  the  peace  or  to  enforce  obedi- 
ence to  its  edicts." 


76 


' 


The  ex-Queen's  commissioners  left  San  Francisco,  Feb- 
ruary llth,  reaching  Washington  on  the  17th.  Mr.  Macfar- 
lane  and  Prince  David  at  once  proceeded  to  New  York  to 
present  her  autograph  letter,  together  with  a  copy  of  Mr. 
Neumann's  precis  to  the  President  elect. 

On  their  arrival  there  they  had  an  interview  with  Mr. 
O'Brien,  his  private  secretary,  through  whom  they  sent  the 
documents  to  Mr.  Cleveland  at  Lakewood. 

He  immediately  caused  the  precis  to  be  published  in  the 
New  York  World.  It  is  evident  that  his  mind  was  deeply 
impressed  at  the  outset  with  the  belief  that  the  late  revolu- 
tion was  the  result  of  a  deeply-laid  conspiracy,  aided  and 
abetted  by  the  United  States  Minister  and  Capt.  'Wiltse 
of  the  Huston. 

The  influence  of  the  President-elect  soon  began  to  be  felt 
in  the  attitude  of  the  Democratic  Senators  towards  the 
treaty.  Hostility  to  it  also  began  to  be  expressed  by  Demo- 
crats in  the  House  of  Representatives.  Mr.  Neumann  had 
an  interview  on  the  21st  with  Secretary  Foster,  to  whom  he 
presented  a  copy  of  his  statement  and  also  sent  another 
copy  to  the  Senate  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations. 

THE    MISSION    OF    THEO.    H.    DAVIES    AND    KAIULANI. 

Meanwhile  another  party  appeared  upon  the  scene.  The 
Princess  Kaiulani,  daughter  of  Gov.  Archibald  Cleghorn  of 
Honolulu,  and  the  Princess  Likelike,  the  younger  sister  of 


Liliuokalani,  was  heiress  presumptive  to  the  throne  of  Ha- 
waii. She  was  seventeen  years  of  age  and  had  been  resid- 
ing for  some  years  in  England  for  her  education,  under  the 
guardianship  of  Theophilus  H.  Davies,  Esq.,  a  gentleman 
who  had  amassed  a  large  fortune  in  mercantile  pursuits  in 
Honolulu. 

On  hearing  of  the  deposition  of  the  Queen,  Mr.  Davies  at 
once  took  active  steps  in  the  interest  of  his  royal  ward. 
While  fully  admitting  the  justice  of  the  Queen's  deposition, 
he  protested  against  annexation,  and  proposed  a  Regency  in 
the  name  of  Kaiulani,  with  Mr.  Dole  at  its  head,  to  admin- 
ister the  Government  for  three  years,  after  which  Kaiulani 
should  be  installed  as  Queen. 

Mr.  Davies  embarked  with  the  youthful  princess  from 
Liverpool,  February  22d,  arriving  at  New  York-,  March  1st. 
They  immediately  issued  the  following  poetical  manifesto  : 

"To  THE  AMERICAN  PEOPLE: 

Unbidden  I  stand  upon  your  shores  to-day,  where  I 
thought  so  soon  to  receive  a  royal  welcome  on  my  way  to 
my  own  Kingdom.  I  come  unattended,  except  by  loving 
hearts  that  come  with  me  over  the  wintry  seas.  I  hear  that 
commissioners  from  my  own  land  have  been  for  many  days 
asking  this  great  nation  to  take  away  my  little  vineyard. 
They  speak  no  word  to  me,  and  leave  me  to  find  out  as  I 
can  from  the  rumors  in  the  air,  that  they  would  leave  me 
without  a  home,  or  a  name  or  a  nation. 


77 


Seventy  years  ago,  Christian  America  sent  over  Christian 
men  and  women  to  give  religion  and  civilization  to  Hawaii. 
They  gave  us  the  gospel.  They  made  us  a  nation,  and  we 
learned  to  love  and  trust  America.  To-day,  three  of  the 
sons  of  those  missionaries  are  at  your  capitol,  asking  you  to 
undo  their  father's  work.  Who  sent  them?  Who  gave  them 
authority  to  break  the  constitution  which  they  swore  they 
would  uphold? 

To-day,  I,  a  poor,  weak  girl,  with  not  one  of  my  people 
near  me,  and  with  all  these  Hawaiian  statesmen  against 
me,  have  strength  to  stand  up  for  the  rights  of  my  people. 
Even  now  I  can  hear  a  wail  in  my  heart,  and  it  gives  me 
strength  and  courage,  and  I  am  strong — strong  in  the  faith 
of  God,  strong  in  the  knowledge  that  I  am  right,  strong  in 
the  strength  of  70,000,000  of  people,  who  in  this  free  land 
will  hear  my  cry,  and  will  refuse  to  let  their  flag  cover 
dishonor  to  mine." 


(Signed) 


KAIULANI. 


*  This  proceeding'  on  the  part  of  Mr.  Davies  was  entered 
upon  without  consulting  Liliuokalani,  and  was  deprecated  hy 
her  envoys,  who  feared  that  it  would  prejudice  their  cause 
with  the  American  people.  Mr.  Davies  and  his  ward  arrived 
at  Washington,  March  8th,  where  he  was  accorded  a  friendly 
hearing  hy  the  President,  which  inspired  him  with  hope  and 
confidence.  The  Princess  was  cordially  received  at  the 
White  House  on  the  13th,  and  seems  to  have  won  the  heart 


of  her  gracious  hostess.  She  published  her  farewell  address 
to  the  people  of  the  United  States,  March  21st,  and  sailed 
the  same  day  for  Liverpool. 

WITHDRAWAL     OF    THE    TREATY. 

The  President  was  inaugurated  on  Saturday,  March  4, 
1893.  On  Monday,  the  6th,  the  Senate  met  in  special  ses- 
sion to  confirm  the  appointment  of  his  Cabinet.  On  Thurs- 
day, the  9th,  the  Senate  held  its  next  session,  when  the 
President  sent  in  a  message,  withdrawing  from  their  con- 
sideration the  treaty  negotiated  with  Hawaii.  This  he  did 
without  assigning  any  reasons  or  stating  his  intentions. 

The  new  Secretary  of  State,  Mr.  Gresham,  told  Commis- 
sioner Thurston  on  the  10th,  that  "with  insignificant  know- 
ledge of  facts  and  of  detail,  they  desired  time  for  considera- 
tion of  .the  subject,  and  the  treaty  had  been  withdrawn  for 
that  purpose."  On  the  same  day  he  intimated  to  Admiral 
Brown  his  impression  that  "some  kind  of  a  job  was  mixed 
up  in  the  matter." 

On  the  same  day  Secretary  Hoke  Smith  telegraphed  to 
Mr.  Blount  of  Macon,  Georgia,  asking  him  to  "come  pre- 
pared for  a  confidential  trip  of  great  importance"  to  Hono- 
lulu. From  that  day  on  the  President  became  inaccessible 
to  the  Hawaiian  Commissioners,  and  from  that  time  on  they 
could  obtain  no  information  as  to  the  intentions  of  the 
Administration  concerning  Hawaii. 


78 


HON.  J.  H.  BLOUNT. 


HIS  EX.JALBERTJ3.  WILLIS. 
UNITED  STATEH  MINISTER. 


Messrs.  Wilder  and  Marsden  of  the  Hawaiian  Commission 
speedily  returned  home.  Mr.  Castle  followed  later,  arriving 
in  Honolulu,  April  7th,  in  company  with  the  ex-Queen's 
commissioners  and  Mr.  Nordhoff.  Mr.  C.  L.  Carter  remained 
at  Washington  during  Mr.  Thurston's  absence  at  Chicago; 
but  the  Secretary  constantly  declined  to  allow  him  any 
opportunity  of  making  a  statement  on  behalf  of  the  Provi- 
sional Government.  J.  Mott  Smith  was  superseded  as 
Hawaiian  Minister  at  Washington  by  Mr.  L.  A.  Thurston, 
who  WHS  officially  received  as  Minister  by  President  Cleve- 
land, June  9,  1895. 

The  President  in  replying  to  Thurston's  address,  said  in" 
part :  "  I  beg  to  assure  you  that  our  people  and  Govern- 
ment are  at  all  times  willing  and  anxious  to  strengthen  and 
multiply  the  ties  of  friendship  which  bind  us  to  the  people 
of  Hawaii.  To  this  end  no  effort  on  our  part  shall  be 
neglected  which  is  consistent  with  our  traditional  national 
policy,  and  which  is  not  violative  of  that  devotion  to  popu- 
lar rights  which  underlies  every  American  conception  of 
free  government." 


CHAPTER    V. 

THE     MISSION    OF    COMMISSIONER     BLOUNT. 

As  already  shown,  President  Cleveland  was  deeply  im- 
pressed by  the  statements  contained  in  the  Queen's  protest 
and  in  the  precis,  (drawn  up  by  the  same  hand),  to  the  effect 


that  she  had  yielded  only  to  the  superior  force  of  the  United 
States,  and  now  appealed  to  his 'sense  of  justice  to  "undo  a 
great  wrong,"  in  which  he  probably  imagined  that  he  saw 
the  far  reaching  hand  of  his  former  rival  for  the  Presidency. 
His  suspicions  were -also  excited  by  the  haste  with  which 
the  treaty  had  been  negotiated  during  the  last  month  of 
the  preceding  administration. 

Accordingly  he  determined  to  send  a  special  commissioner 
to  investigate  all  the  circumstances  attending  the.  late  revo- 
lution, and  to  report  on  the  expediency  of  annexation.  For 
this  important  duty  he  chose  the  Hon.  James  H.  Blount  of 
Macon,  Georgia,  who  had  commanded  a  regiment  in  the 
confederate  army  during  the  civil  war.  For  eighteen  years 
he  had  served  as  a  member  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 
and  during  the  52d  Congress  had  been  Chairman  of  the 
Committee  of  Foreign  Affairs  in  that  body. 

Mr.  Blount  received  his  written  instructions  March  11, 
just  one  week  after  President  Cleveland's  inauguration.  The 
Secretary  of  State  also  verbally  instructed  him  to  remove 
the  American  flag  which  had  been  hoisted  over  the  Govern- 
ment building  in  Honolulu.  His  instructions  were  as 

follows  : 

DEPARTMKNT  OF   STATE, 

WASHINGTON,  March  llth,  1895. 
HON.  JAMES  H.  BMHINT,  etc. 

Sir : — The  situation  created  in  the  Hawaiian  Islands  by 
the  recent  deposition  of  Queen  Liliuokalani  and  the  erection 


79 


of  a  Provisional  Government  demands  the  fullest  considera- 
tion of  the  President,  and  in  order  to  obtain  trustworthy 
information  on  the  subject,  as  well  as  for  the  discharge  of 
other  duties  herein  specified,  he  has  decided  to  dispatch  you 
to  the  Hawaiian  Islands  as  his  special  commissioner,  in 
which  capacity  you  will  herewith  receive  a  commission  and 
also  a  letter,  whereby  the  President  accredits  you  to  the 
president  of  the  executive  and  advisory  councils  of  the 
Hawaiian  Islands. 

The  comprehensive,  delicate  and  confidential  character  of 
your  mission  can  now  only  be  briefly  outlined,  the  details 
of  its  execution  being  necessarily  left,  in  a  great  measure, 
to  your  good  judgment  and  wise  discretion. 

You  will  investigate  and  fully  report  to  the  President  all 
the  facts  you  can  learn  respecting  the  condition  of  affairs 
in  the  Hawaiian  Islands,  the  causes  of  the  revolution  by 
which  the  Queen's  Government  was  overthrown,  the  senti- 
ment of  the  people  toward  existing  authority,  and,  in  gen- 
eral, all  that  can  fully  enlighten  the  President  touching  the 
subjects  of  your  mission. 

To  enable  you  to  fulfill  this  charge,  your  authority  in  all 
matters  touching  the  relations  of  this  Government  to  the 
existing  or  other  government  of  the  Islands,  and  the  protec- 
tion of  our  citizens  therein,  is  paramount,  and  in  you  alone, 
acting  in  co-operation  with  the  commander  of  the  naval 
forces,  is  vested  full  discretion  and  power  to  determine  when 
such  forces  should  be  landed  or  withdrawn. 


You  are,  however,  authorized  to  avail  yourself  of  such  aid 
and  information  as  you  may  desire  from  the  present  Min- 
ister of  the  United  States  at  Honolulu,  Mr.  John  L.  Stevens, 
who  will  continue  until  further  notice  to  perform  the  usual 
functions  attaching  to  his  office  not  inconsistent  with  the 
powers  intrusted  to  you.  An  instruction  will  be  sent  to 
Mr.  Stevens,  directing  him  to  facilitate  your  presentation  to 
the  head  of  the  Government  upon  your  arrival,  and  to  render 
you  all  needed  assistance. 

The  withdrawal  from  the  Senate  of  the  recently  sinned 
treaty  of  annexation,  for  re-examination  by  the  President, 
leaves  its  subject-matter  in  abeyance,  and  you  are  not 
charged  with  any  duty  in  respect  thereto.  It  may  be  well, 
however,  for  you  to  dispel  any  misapprehension  which  its 
withdrawal  may  have  excited  touching  the  entire  friendli- 
ness of  the  President  and  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  toward  the  people  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands  or  the 
earnest  solicitude  here  felt  for  their  welfare,  tranquillity  and 
progress. 

Historical  precedents  and  the  general  course  of  the  United 
States  authorize  the  employment  of  its  armed  force  in  for- 
eign territory  for  the  security  of  the  lives  and  property  of 
American  citizens,  and  for  the  repression  of  lawless  and 
tumultuous  acts  threatening  them  ;  and  the  powers  con- 
ferred to  that  end  upon  the  representatives  of  the  United 
States  are  both  necessary  and  proper,  subject  always  to  the 
exercise  of  a  sound  discretion  in  their  application. 


80 


In  the  judgment  of  the  President,  your  authority,  as  well 
as  that  of  the  commander  of  the  naval  forces  in  Hawaiian 
waters,  should  be,  and  is,  limited  in  the  use  of  physical 
force  to  such  measures  as  are  necessary  to  protect  the  per- 
sons and  property  of  our  citizens ;  and  while  abstaining  from 
any  manner  of  interference  with  the  domestic  concerns  of 
the  Islands,  you  should  indicate  your  willingness  to  inter- 
vene with  your  friendly  offices  in  the  interest  of  a  peaceful 
settlement  of  troubles  within  the  limits  of  sound  discretion. 

Should  it  be  necessary  to  land  an  armed  force  upon  Ha- 
waiian territory  on  occasion  of  popular  disturbance,  when 
the  local  authority  may  be  unable  to  afford  adequate  pro- 
tection to  the  life  and  property  of  citizens  of  the  United 
States,  the  assent  of  such  authority  should  first  be  obtained, 
if  it  can  be  done  without  prejudice  to  the  interests  involved. 
Your  power  in  this  regard  should  not,  however,  be  claimed 
to  the  exclusion  of  similar  measures  by  the  representatives 
of  other  powers  for  the  protection  of  the  lives  and  property 
of  their  citizens  or  subjects  residing  in  the  Islands. 

While  the  United  States  claim  no  right  to  interfere  in  the 
political  or  domestic  affairs  or  in  the  internal  conflicts  of 
the  Hawaiian  Islands  otherwise  than  as  herein  stated,  or  for 
the  purpose  of  maintaining  any  treaty  or  other  rights  which 
they  possess,  this  Government  will  adhere  to  its  consistent 
and  established  policy  in  relation  to  them,  and  it  will  not 
acquiesce  in  domestic  interference  by  other  powers. 

The    foregoing   general    exposition  of   the    President's  views 


will  indicate  the  safe  courses  within  which  your  action 
should  be  shaped,  and  mark  the  limits  of  your  discretion  in 
calling  upon  the  naval  commander  for  co-operation. 

The  United  States  revenue  cutter  Rush  is  under  orders  to 
await  you  at  San  Francisco  and  convey  you  to  Honolulu. 

It  is  expected  that  you  will  use  all  convenient  dispatch 
for  the  fulfillment  of  your  mission,  as  it  is  the  President's 
wish  to  have  the  results  before  him  at  the  earliest  possible 
day.  Besides  the  connected  report  you  are  expected  to  fur- 
nish, you  will  from  time  to  time,  as  occasion  may  offer,  cor- 
respond with  the  Secretary  of  State,  communicating  inform- 
ation or  soliciting  special  instruction  on  such  points  as  you 
may  deem  necessary.  In  case  of  urgency  you  may  tele- 
graph, either  in  plain  text  or  in  the  cipher  of  the  Navy 
Department,  through  the  kind  offices  of  the  admiral  com- 
manding, which  may  be  sent  to  Mr.  \V.  A.  Cooper,  United 
States  dispatch  agent  at  San  Francisco,  to  be  transmitted. 

Reposing   the  amplest   confidence   in  your   ability  and  zeal 
for  the  realization  of  the  trust  thus  confided  to  you. 
I  am,  sir,  your  obedient  servant, 

(Signed)  W.  Q.  GBESHAM. 

No  previous  intimation  was  given  to  the  Hawaiian  Com- 
missioners that  the  President  intended  to  withdraw  the  treaty 
from  the  Senate,  nor  of  the  appointment  or  objects  of  Mr. 
Blount's  mission. 

In    reply  to    repeated    inquiries  upon   this  point    Mr.  Gres- 


81 


ham    positively    refused    to    deny    or    admit   even    that    Mr. 
Blount  had  gone  to  Hawaii. 

Mr.  Blount  left  Washington  on  the  14th,  and  tarrying  only 
four  hours  in  San  Francisco,  embarked  March  20th  on  the  reve- 
nue cutter  Richard  Rush,  which  lay  there  awaiting  his  orders, 
and  landed  in  Honolulu  on  the  morning  of  March  29th. 

The  royalists  believed  that  he  was  coming  in  their  inter- 
est, and  formed  a  procession  of  native  women  with  flags  to 
meet  him.  The  Queen's  ex-chamberlain  offered  him  her  car- 
riage to  ride  up  in,  which  he  properly  declined.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  annexationists  had  decorated  the  principal, 
business  streets  with  American  flags.  A  committee  of  Ameri- 
cans tendered  him  a  welcome,  and  offered  him  the  use  of  a 
convenient  residence.  He  declined  to  accept  any  favors  from 
either  party,  and  established  himself  at  the  so-called  "  Snow 
Cottage,"  attached  to  the  Hawaiian  Hotel,  where  he  remained 
with  his  wife  and  secretary  during  the  four  months  of  his 
stay  in  Honolulu.  He  was  probably  not  aware  that  this 
hotel  was  leased  and  managed  in  the  interest  of  the  Queen's 
party,  for  whom  it  was  a  favorite  resort.  On  the  day  after 
his  arrival,  the  30th,  he  was  introduced  by  Minister  Stevens 
to  President  Dole,  to  whom  he  presented  President  Cleve- 
land's letter  accrediting  him  in  the  following  language  : 

"  GREAT  AND  Goon  FRIEND  : — 


I  have   made   choice   of  James  H.  Blount,  one  of   our  dis- 
tinguished   citizens,  as   my    special  commissioner   to  visit  the 


Hawaiian  Wands,  and  make  report  to  me  concerning  the 
present  status  of  affairs  in  that  country.  He  is  well  in^ 
formed  of  our  sincere  desire  to  cultivate  and  maintain  to 
the  fullest  extent  the  friendship  which  has  so  long  subsisted 
between  the  two  countries,  and  in  all  matters  affecting  rela- 
tions with  the  Government  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands,  his 
authority  is  paramount.  My  knowledge  of  bin  high  character 
and  ability  gives  me  entire  confidence  that  he  will  use  every 
endeavor  to  advance  the  interest  and  propriety  of  both 
governments  and  to  render  himself  acceptable  to  your 
excellency. 

"I  therefore  request  your  excellency  to  receive  him  favor- 
ably and  to  give  full  credence  to  what  he  shall  say  on  the 
part  of  the  United  States  and  the  assurances  which  1  have 
charged  him  to  convey  to  you  of  the  best  wishes  of  this 
Government  for  the  prosperity  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands. 

"  May  God  have  your  excellency  in    His  wise  keeping. 

''  \Vritten  at  Washington,  this  llth  day  of  March,  in  the 
year  1893. 

(Signed)  GROVER  CLEVELAND. 

By  the  President : 

W.  Q.  GRESHAM, 

Secretary  of  State." 

In  a  letter  to  Minister  Stevens  of  the  same  date,  Secre- 
tary Gresham  informed  him  also  that  "in  all  matters  per- 
taining to  the  existing  or  other  Government  of  the  Islands 


82 


the  authority  of  Mr.  Blount  is  jxinn/unint."  A  letter  of  the 
same  date  from  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  to  Rear  Admiral 
Skerrett  contains  the  following  passage  :  "  You  will  consult 
freely  with  Mr.  Blount  and  will  obey  any  instructions  you 
may  receive  from  him'  regarding  the  course  to  be  pursued  at 
said  islands  by  the  force  under  your  command." 

The  question  whether  the  President  had  a  constitutional 
right  to  clothe  his  private  agent,  appointed  without  the 
knowledge  or  confirmation  of  the  Senate,  with  these  extra- 
ordinary powers,  has  since  been  fully  debated  in  Congress. 

THE     HAULING     DOWN     OF     THE     AMERICAN    FLAG. 

On  the  afternoon  of  the  31st,  Mr.  Blount  notified  Presi- 
dent Dole  that  he  would  order  the  ensign  of  the  United 
States  to  be  hauled  down,  and  send  the  American  troops  on 
board  of  their  respective  vessels.  At  President  Dole's  re- 
quest, he  postponed  action  until  next  morning.  The  follow- 
ing peremptory  order  was  then  addressed  to  Hear  Admiral 
Skerrett : 

"Sir: — You  are    directed    to  haul   down  the    United  States 
ensign    from  the    Government    building    and    to   embark    the 
troops    now    on    shore    to    the    ships    to    which    they    belong. 
This  will  be  executed  at    11  o'clock  on  the  1st  day  of  April. 
I  am,  sir,  your  obedient  servant, 
(Signed)  JAS.  H.  BLOU.NT, 

Special  Commissioner  of  the   United  States." 


As  the  hour  of  11  approached,  a  company  of  regular 
troops  under  Capt.  Good  and  a  company  of  volunteers,  to- 
gether with  a  detachment  of  artillery,  marched  over  from 
the  barracks  and  were  drawn  up  in  front  of  the  Government 
building.  At  the  same  time  a  large  concourse  both  of 
natives  and  foreigners  had  gathered  in  the  adjoining  streets. 
As  the  hand  of  the  clock  in  the  tower  reached  the  appointed 
hour,  at  a  sign  from  Lieut.  Draper,  the  bugle  sounded,  on 
which  the  Stars  and  Stripes  came  down  and  the  Hawaiian 
flag  was  raised  in  their  place  over  the  tower,  amid  dead 
silence.  The  troops  of  the  Provisional  Government  presented 
arms,  but  no  salute  was  fired,  nor  was  any  public  declara- 
tion as  to  the  import  of  this  transaction  read  or  published. 
The  U  S.  sailors  and  marines  then  marched  out  of  the 
Government  building  and  of  their  own  quarters  at  "  Camp 
Boston,"  and  returned  to  their  ships,  while  the  troops  of  the 
Provisional  Government  marched  in  and  took  their  places  in 
the  Legislative  hall.  The  feeling  of  the  spectators  on  both 
sides  was  intense  but  suppressed.  The  royalists  knew  that 
the  change  of  flags  did  not  of  itself  mean  restoration,  and 
they  saw  that  the  Provisional  Government  was  still  master 
of  the  situation.  But  they  hoped  that  this  act  was  only  the 
first  step  on  the  way  to  restoration,  and  were  therefore 
elated,  while  the  annexationists  were  correspondingly  de- 
pressed. In  the  United  States  this  incident  touched  the 
popular  heart,  and  kindled  a  feeling  of  indignation,  which 
no  subsequent  explanation  has  been  able  fo  allay. 


83 


The  same  day  Mr.  Blount  wrote  to  the  Secretary  of  State, 
"  The  American  Minister  and  Consul-General  seem  to  be  in- 
tense partisans  for  annexation.  I  do  not  yet  see  how  they 
will  embarrass  me  in  the  purposes  of  my  mission." 

MR.  BLOUNT'S  RECEPTION  OF.  ROYALIST  COMMITTEES,  ETC. 

On  the  afternoon  of  April  1,  Mr.  Blount  received  a  com- 
mittee of  nineteen  half-whites  headed  by  Mr.  John  E.  Bush, 
formerly  envoy  to  Samoa  under  Kalakaua.  who  presented 
resolutions  against  annexation,  praying  "that  the  great 
wrong  committed  against  us  may  be  righted  by  the  restora- 
tion of  the  independent  autonomy  and  constitutional  govern- 
ment of  our  Kingdom  under  our  beloved  Queen,  Liliuoka- 
lani,  in  whom  we  have  the  utmost  confidence  as  a  conscien- 
tious and  popular  ruler." 

Mr.  Blount  replied  that  he  could  only  communicate  the 
resolutions  to  the  President ;  he  could  not  discuss  with 
them  the  objects  of  his  mission  or  the  purposes  of  his 
government. 

Soon  afterwards  Mr.  Blount  gave  audience  to  a  committee 
of  the  Hui  Kalaiaina,  (Hawaiian  Political  Association)  com- 
posed of  native  Hawaiians,  who  presented  a  memorial  ask- 
ing for  the  restoration  of  the  Queen. 

Mr.  Blount's  comment  on  it  was  : 

"  There  is  no  aspiration  in  it  for  the  advancement  of  the 
right  of  the  masses  to  participate  in  the  control  of  public 


affairs,  but  an  eager,  trustful  devotion  to  the  crown  as  an 
absolute  monarchy." 

On  the  16th  of  April,  Mr.  Blount  received  similar  resolu- 
tions presented  by  twelve  Hawaiian  ladies,  representing  the 
Hui  Aloha  Aina  (Patriotic  League). 

"These,"  he  says,  "are  strongly  suggestive  of  blind  devo- 
tion to  arbitrary  power  vested  in  the  crown,  worn  by  a 
person  of  native  blood.  They  seem  to  go  very  far  in  the 
matter  of  the  capacity  of  these  people  for  self  government." 

On  the  7th  of  April,  Messrs.  Paul  Neumann,  David 
Kawananakoa  and  E.  C.  Macfarlane  returned  to  Honolulu 
from  their  mission  to  Washington,  and  a  grand  feast  was 
made  in  their  honor.  An  unfounded  report  was  immediately 
circulated  that  Mr.  Blount  would  soon  receive  orders  to 
restore  the  Queen. 

Among  their  fellow  passengers  were  Mr.  Harold  M.  Sewell, 
Dr.  Wm.  Shaw  Bowen,  one  of  the  editorial  staff  of  the  New 
York  World  and  Mr.  Chas.  Nordhoff,  correspondent  of  the 
New  York  Herald. 

THE     BOWEN-SEWELL     EPISODE. 

For  several  weeks  after  the  hauling  down  of  the  American 
flag,  Honolulu  was  a  hot-bed  of  intrigues  of  all  kinds. 
About  the  middle  of  April,  both  Commissioner  Blount  and 
the  Administration  at  Washington  were  greatly  disturbed  by 
certain  alleged  proceedings  on  the  part  of  Dr-  Bowen. 


84 


It  appears  from  his  own  testimony  that  Dr.  Bowen,  be- 
lieving on  the  one  hand  that  annexation  was  impracticable, 
and  on  the  other  that  the  restoration  of  the  Queen  would 
never  be  sanctioned  by  Congress,  urged  Mr.  Paul  Neumann 
to  bring  about  a  compromise  between  the  Queen  and  the 
Provisional  Government.  The  proposition  was  that  the 
Queen  should  receive  a  liberal  pension  in  consideration  of 
her  abdication  of  the  throne  in  favor  of  the  Provisional 
Government.  Several  conferences  took  place  between  Messrs. 
Bowen  and  Neumann  on  one  side  and  President  Dole  on 
the  other.  The  result  was  that  President  Dole  informed  Mr. 
Neumann  that  any  proposition  of  the  kind,  duly  authorized 
by  the  Queen,  would  receive  respectful  attention.  On  the 
16th,  Dr.  Bowen  explained  the  plan  to  Mr.  Blount,  who 
declined  to  express  any  opinion  on  it.  The  next  morning 
Mr.  Blount  called  on  President  Dole  to  ascertain  how  far 
the  affair  had  gone,  and  told  him  that  neither  Dr.  Bowen 
nor  any  one  else  except  himself  (Blount)  was  authorized  to 
speak  for  the  President  of  the  United  States. 

Col.  Claus  Spreckels,  having  arrived  on  the  18th,  called 
on  the  Queen  on  20th,  and  encouraged  her  to  hope  for  his 
support.  The  next  day  he  informed  Mr.  Blount  "that  he  sus- 
pected there  was  an  effort  at  negotiation  between  the  Queen 
and  the  Provisional  Government,  and  that  he  had  urged  the 
Queen  to  withdraw  her  power  of  attorney  from  Paul  Neumann." 

On  the  24th,  after  informing  President  Dole  of  his  inten- 
tion, Mr.  Blount  called  on  the  Queen  and  questioned  her  in 


regard  to  the  alleged  negotiations  with  the  Provisional  Gov- 
ernment, plainly  showing -his  disapprobation  of  them.  She 
promised  him  that  "she  would  not  enter  into  any  negotia- 
tions until  the  Government  at  Washington  had  taken  action 
on  the  information  derived  through  his  report." 

Mr.  Blount  told  her  that  "  one  of  the  objects  of  his  visit 
was  to  get  all  the  facts  connected  with  her  dethronement 
and  the  disposition  of  the  people  of  the  Islands  in  relation 
to  the  present  Government."  She  then  remarked  that  much 
depended  on  Mr.  Spreckels  as  to  the  future,  and  that  if  he 
should  refuse  to  loan  any  money  to  the  Government,  it 
would  go  to  pieces.  At  Mr.  Blount's  request,  she  told  Wm. 
Aldrich  to  furnish  him  a  list  of  those  annexationists  who 
had  signed  petitions  for  the  lottery.  A  copy  of  this  list  is 
embodied  in  Mr.  Nordhoff's  letter  to  the  New  York  Herald  of 
April  25th,  and  much  is  made  of  it  in  Blount's  report.  The 
same  day  the  Queen  told  Mr.  Neumann  that  nothing  would 
be  done  until  the  Government  of  the  United  States  gave  its 
decision,  and  asked  him  to  return  to  her  his  power  of  at- 
torney and  his  commission,  which  he  did  the  next  day. 
Dr.  Bowen  left  on  the  Australia,  April  26th.  In  consequence  of 
Mr.  Blount's  dispatch  No.  6,  the  following  telegram  was  sent 
from  Washington,  dated  May  9th,  and  received  May  17th  : 

"To   JAMES    H.  BLOUNT,    American    Commissioner,    Honolulu. 

Your  report  of  April  26th  received.  The  views  therein 
expressed  and  the  steps  taken  by  you  have  the  President's 


85 


approval.  The  President,  having  determined  to  recall  Mr. 
Stevens,  dispatch  is  forwarded  to  him  to-day,  directing  him 
to  turn  over  the  Legation  to  you  forthwith. 

You  are  hereby  appointed  Envoy  Extraordinary  and  Min- 
ister Plenipotentiary  to  the  Hawaiian  Islands.  Your  com- 
mission bears  date  May  9th.  You  may  take  oath  before 
Consul-General,  and  thereupon  announce  your  appointment. 
While  your  acceptance  permanently  would  greatly  gratify 
the  President,  your  wishes  will  control. 

A  new  Consul-General  will  speedily  be  appointed.  The 
representations  of  Bowen  and  Sewell  are  wholly  unauthorized 
and  repudiated  by  the  President,  who  repeats  that  you  alone 
are  authorized  to  represent  him  in  all  matters  embodied 
in  the  instructions  given  you  before  your  departure  for 
Hawaii. 


(Signed) 


W.  Q.  GRESHAM, 

Secretary  <if  State." 


It  should  lie  stated  here  that  both  Mr  Bowen  and  Mr. 
Sewell  positively  deny  having  made  any  such  false  repre- 
sentations as  implied  above. 

Mr.  Stevens  having  tendered  his  resignation  March  7th, 
had  already  notified  Mr.  Gresham  that  he  should  return  to 
the  United  States  on  the  24th  of  May,  which  he  did.  On 
leaving  the  country  he  received  the  highest  testimonials  of 
esteem  from  his  fellow  citizens  and  from  the  Hawaiian 
Government. 


"  AMERICANS    NOT    PARTICIPATING." 

On  the  18th  of  April,  Mr.  Blount  forbade  the  landing  of 
troops  from  the  Boston  for  the  purpose  of  drilling,  probably 
fearing  that  it  might  create  an  impression  favorable  to  the 
Provisional  Government.  In  his  dispatch  of  April  26th,  he 
used  the  following  language  : 

"The  white  race,  or  what  may  be  termed  the  Reform 
Party,  constitute  the  intelligence  and  own  most  of  the  pro- 
perty in  these  islands,  and  are  desperately  eager  to  be  a 
part  of  the  United  States  on  any  terms  rather  than  take 
the  chances  of  being  subjected  to  the  control  of  the  natives. 
With  them  we  can  dictate  any  terms." 

On  the  16th  of  May,  Mr.  Blount  saw  fit  to  publish  in  the 
Honolulu  papers,  his  instructions  of  March  llth,  as  given- 
above.  To  the^e  he  appended  the  following  notice : 

"  While  I  shall  abstain  from  interference  with  conflicting 
forces  of  whatever  nationality,  I  will  protect  American  citi- 
zens not  participating  in  such  conflict." 

Under  the  circumstances  the  language  was  naturally  inter- 
preted by  both  parties  as  a  plain  intimation  that  an  U|  ris- 
ing of  the  royalists  to  overturn  the  existing  government 
would  be  viewed  with  indifference  by  the  Commissioner. 

THE     NORDHOFF    LIBEL    CASE. 

Mr.  Chas.  Nordhoff  ably  executed  the  errand  upon  which 
he  had  been  sent  to  the  Islands.  In  comparison  with  him 


86 


the  Queen's  adherents  were  hut  tyros  in  the  art  of  misrepre- 
sentation. At  the  same  time  his  intimate  relations  with  Com- 
missioner Blount  became  a  subject  of  general  remark.  At 
length  the  indignation  aroused  among  the  supporters  of  the 
Government  was  such  that  threats  of  personal  violence  were 
ninde  by  some  rash  individuals  against  Mr.  Nordhoff.  On 
being  informed  of  it,  the  authorities  at  once  took  precau- 
tions for  his  protection.  A  letter  of  his  to  the  N.  Y.  Herald 
having  been  republished  in  a  Honolulu  paper,  he  was 
threatened  with  several  libel  suits,  and  summoned  May  22d, 
to  appear  before  the  Provisional  Assembly  to  answer  for  the 
false  statement  that  "most  of  the  members"  of  that  Assem- 
bly had  signed  petitions  for  the  lottery. 

The  source  of  Mr.  Nordhoff' s  information  on  this  point  has 
been  indicated  above.  Upon  this  Mr.  Blount  called  upon 
President  Dole  and  protested  against  the  action  of  the  Coun- 
cil, saying  that  "  Whatever  information  Mr.  Nordhoff  may 
have  obtained  carried  with  it  an  obligation  of  privacy,  which 
I  do  not  believe  he  would  violate." 

He  further  sent  President  Dole  a  letter  in  which  he  took 
the  ground  that  an  American  citizen  cannot  be  called  to  ac- 
count in  any  foreign  country  for  a  libel  published  in  the 
United  States,  and  cited  as  a  precedent,  the  case  of  Mr. 
Cutting,  who  was  arrested  at  Juarez,  Mexico,  for  a  publication 
in  Texas,  in  1885,  but  was  set  free  at  the  demand  of  the 
American  Government.  Mr.  Nordhoff  then  made  a  written 
declaration  that  the  republication  in  the  Honolulu  Bulletin 


of  his  letters  to  the  N.  Y.  Herald  was  without  his  knowledge 
and  consent. 

He  also  published  a  retraction  and  apology  for  untrue 
statements  made  in  regard  to  Messrs.  T.  F.  Lansing  and  F. 
W.  McChesney,  members  of  the  Advisory  Council,  as  well  as 
to  Mr.  \V.  H.  Hoogs.  President  Dole's  reply  to  Commissioner 
Blount  was  in  part  as  follows  : 

•'Sir: — I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of 
your  letter  of  the  22nd  inst.,  relating  to  Mr.  Nordhoff,  and  to 
state  in  reply  that  upon  full  consideration  of  the  questions 
involved  this  Government  has  decided  to  take  no  criminal 
proceedings  against  Mr.  Nordhoff  for  what  was  considered  as 
contempt  against  the  Advisory  Council  of  this  Government. 

"  In  respect  to  the  matters  referred  to  in  the  Attorney- 
General's  letter  to  Mr.  Nordhoff,  this  Goveinment  does  not 
propose  to  take  any  proceedings  in-  contravention  of  the 
view  of  international  law  expressed  by  the  United  States 
Government  in  the  Cutting  case ;  but  there  is  apparently 
this  distinction  to  be  noted  in  the  two  cases,  viz.,  that  Mr. 
Cutting  was  in  the  United  States  when  he  made  the  publi- 
cation objected  to  by  the  Mexican  Government,  whereas  Mr. 
Nordhoff,  while  in  the  Hawaiian  Islands  and  under  the 
jurisdiction  of  its  courts,  has  written  articles  defamatory  of 
this  Government,  which  were  published  in  the  United  States 
in  a  newspaper  which  is  freely  circulated  in  the  Hawaiian 
Islands,  and  which  articles  have  been  republished  here." 

In  a   letter   dated    May  29,    Mr.    Blount    writes:      "I    suf$- 


87 


gested   to   President    Dole   and    the  Attorney-General,  in  con-  opposing  annexation  and  to  establish  an    independent  oligar- 

versation  with  them,  that  if  Mr.  Nordhoff  was  so  obnoxious,  chy,  Col.  Spreckels   decided  in  the   latter  part  of   May,   1893, 

they  might  possibly  require  him  to  leave  the  country."     The  that    the   time   had   come   to   strike    a    decisive    blow    for   the 

Government,   however,    was    not   simple   enough    to   step   into  restoration  of  the  Queen. 


any  such  trap. 


The  government  treasury  was    very   low    when    the    revolu- 


"  Indeed,"  he  adds,  "the  whole  proceeding  in  relation  to  tion  took  place,  military  expenses  since  then  had  been  very 

him  (Nordhoff)  seems  to  have  been  animated  by  the  spirit  heavy,  and  the  taxes  would  not  begin  to  come  in  before 

of  crushing  out  all  opposing  opinions  by  forceful  methods."  July.  The  Wilcox  Cabinet  had  been  obliged  in  December, 

To  this  charge  the  files  of  certain  royalist  papers  for  that  1892,  to  borrow  $95,000  from  Spreckels'  Bank  to  meet  with- 

year.  filled  as  they  are  with  the  foulest  abuse,  are  a  suffici-  drawals  from  the  Postal  Savings  Bank,  the  notes  for  which 

ent  reply.  In  hardly  any  other  country  would  such  publi-  became  due  June  1st.  Besides  this,  the  semi-annual  interest 

cations  have  been  tolerated.  on  the  London  loan,  amounting  to  $30,000,  which  became 

On  the  21st  of  June,  Mr.  Nordhoff  left  the  Islands  for  his  due  in  July,  had  to  be  provided  for.  In  this  situation  Col. 

home  in  Coronado,  California,  where  he  continued  his  news-  Spreckels  saw  his  opportunity,  and  although  in  February  he 

paper  war  against  the  Provisional  Government.  Early  in  had  given  the  -Cabinet  to  understand  that  he  would  not  call 

the  following  November,  while  Mr.  Blount's  report  was  still  for  the  principal  as  long  as  the  interest  was  promptly  paid, 


locked  up  in  the  State  Department,  Mr.  Nordhoff  published 
portions  of  the  testimony  filed  with  Mr.  Blount  in  the  pre- 
ceding May  and  June,  by  Messrs.  C.  T.  Gulick  and  G. 
Trousseau,  pretending  that  these  were  extracts  from  letters 
recently  received  by  him  from  Honolulu. 

CLAUS    SI'KECKELS'     DEMAND. 


he  made  a  sudden  demand  for  the  whole  amount  a  few  days 
before  it  became  due.' 

On  the  29th  of  May  he  had  a  conference  with  the  Queen, 
in  which  he  told  her  that  the  Provisional  Government  would 
fall  to  pieces  in  consequence  of  his  demand,  so  that  arms 
would  not  be  required.  He  advised  her  to  form  a  new 
cabinet,  proclaim  a  new  constitution,  and  declare  martial 
law.  There  is  no  proof  that  Mr;  Blount  was  in  the 
During  this  period,  Mr.  Nordhoff  was  believed,  to  be  the  secret. 

mouth-piece  of  Col.  Spreckels.     After  having  labored  in  vain          On    the   afternoon   of    May   31st,  Mr.  P.  C.  Jones  went  out 
to  persuade  the  leading   sugar    planters    to   join   with  him  in      on  the  street  and  raised  the    $95,000   for   the   government   in 

88 


8    B.  DOLE. 


8.  M."  DA  HON. 


J.  A.  KING. 


W.  O.  SMITH. 


half  an  hour.  Not  only  was  Mr.  Spreckels  paid  in  full  to  his 
intense  disgust,  but  the  $30,000  of  interest  on  the  London 
debt  was  remitted  by  the  mail  of  June  6th.  On  the  5th  of 
June  the  lolani  Palace  was  formally  occupied,  with  appro- 
priate ceremonies,  for  the  executive  offices  of  the  government 
and  named  the  "  Executive  Building."  The  former  govern- 
ment building  became  known  as  the  "Judiciary  Building." 

CONSPIRACIES. 

About  this  time  the  air  was  full  of  rumors  of  conspiracies 
which  now  appear  to  have  been  well  founded. 

On  June  21st,  Messrs.  Crick,  Sinclair  and  Walker  were 
arrested  and  held  for  trial.  Although  the  authorities  failed 
to  obtain  sufficient  evidence  to  convict  them  of  conspiracy, 
it  is  now  known  by  Mr.  Walker's  own  confession,  that  a 
number  of  dynamite  bombs  were  then  manufactured  which 
were  concealed  at  the  Queen's  place,  and  it  seems  to  be  cer- 
tain that  she  was  accessory  to  the  fact. 

In  view  of  this  state  of  things,  the  Government  took 
measures  to  put  itself  into  an  efficient  state  of  defence. 
Four  companies  of  volunteer  soldiers  were  thoroughly  organ- 
ized, equipped  and  drilled,  while  a  citizens'  guard,  number- 
ing 700,  was  organized  as  a  reserved  force. 

The  continual  agitation  and  disquiet  led  some  of  the  sup- 
porters of  the  Government  to  demand  the  banishment  of  the 
Queen.  President  Dole,  however,  assured  Mr.  Blount  "  that 


it  was  the  purpose  of  the  Government  to  take  no  extreme 
steps  against  any  parties  here,  unless  it  should  be  to  meet 
a  forcible  attack  upon  the  Government." 

MR.    BLOUNT'S    INVESTIGATIONS. 

The  main  object  of  Mr.  Blount's  mission  was  carefully 
coni-ealed  from  the  Provisional  Government  and  from  Mr. 
Stevens.  It  was  generally  supposed  by  the  Government  and 
its  friends  that  he  had  been  sent  to  investigate  and  report 
upon  their  offer  of  annexation  to  the  United  States.  Under 
this  impression  the  Provisional  Government  afforded  the 
Commissioner  every  facility  in  its  power  for  obtaining  in- 
formation, and  spared  neither  time  nor  expense  in  furnish- 
ing him  with  details  on  every  subject  bearing  on  that  ques- 
tion. They  never  suspected  his  real  object,  which  seems  to 
have  been  to  make  out  a  case  both  against  their  title  to 
govern  and  against  the  character  of  the  former  representative 
of  his  own  government.  They  never  dreamed  that  his  in- 
vestigations would  be  treated  by  President  Cleveland  as  hav- 
ing been  of  the  nature  of  a  full  and  impartial  trial  of  a 
supposed  case  between  the  Provisional  Government  and  the 
deposed  Queen,  as  submitted  by  both  parties  to  the  arbitra- 
tion of  the  President  of  the  United  States. 

All  the  essential  elements  of  such  a  trial  were  lacking,  in 
that  the  parties  were  not  both  notified  that  any  case  be- 
tween them  was  being  adjudicated,  in  that  the  subject-matter 


89 


of  the  inquiry  was  not  communicated  to  them,  unless  secretly 
to  the  Queen's  side,  as  seemed  to  be  the  case,  and  in  that 
all  the  evidence  was  privately  taken,  giving  no  opportunity 
for  either  party  to  cross-examine  witnesses  or  bring  in  re- 
butting evidence. 

There  was  nothing  judicial  either  in  the  methods  employed 
or  in  the  animus  evinced  by  the  correspondence  and  report 
of  the  Commissioner.  Both  are  pervaded  from  beginning  to 
end  by  a  strange  hostility  to  the  American  colony  residing 
in  the  Islands. 

In  a  letter  to  Secretary  Gresham  dated  April  8th,  after 
condemning  American  residents  for  "  participating  in  affairs 
of  the  islands,"  while  expecting  to  be  protected  by  the 
United  States,  he  continues,  ''  My  present  impression  is  that 
the  existing  government  owes  its  being  and  its  maintenance 
to  this  perverted  influence."  This  sounds  the  key-note  to 
the  whole  report  that  follows,  and  shows  that  he  had 
already,  only  a  few  days  after  landing,  made  up  his  mind 
on  the  subject  which  he  was  to  investigate.  In  fact,  he 
seems  to  have  so  completely  prejudged  the  case  as  to  be  im- 
pervious to  any  evidence  opposed  to  his  predilections. 

The  Commissioner  possessed  some  special  qualifications  for 
the  difficult  part  which  he  had  to  play.  Naturally  reticent, 
he  had  an  uncommon  power  of  concealing  his  private  senti- 
ments and  intentions,  which  has  caused  him  to  be  accused 
of  dissimulation.  While  the  Queen's  frienda  well  knew  that 
he  was  on  their  side,  the  supporters  of  the  Provisional  Gov- 


ernment believed  that,  even  if  he  was  opposed  to  annexation, 
he  appreciated  the  character  and  motives  of  the  leaders  in 
the  late  revolution. 

He  also  showed  no  little  shrewdness  and  adroitness  as  a 
prosecuting  attorney,  in  his  choice  of  witnesses,  and  in  the 
preparation  of  questions,  etc.,  to  make  out  his  case. 

His  method  was  to  hold  private  interviews  with  individu- 
als, who  were  examined  by  him  in  his  private  office,  the 
questions  and  answers  being  taken  down  by  his  stenographer, 
Mr.  Ellis  Mills,  and  kept  strictly  secret.  It  is  the  general 
testimony  of  those  whom  he  questioned  that  he  carefully 
shut  off  any  voluntary  statements  beyond  the  simplest  re- 
plies to  his  leading  questions.  If  any  reply  did  not  suit 
him,  he  would  cross-examine  the  witness  at  great  length,  in 
order  to  modify  or  break  the  force  of  his  first  statement. 
He  also  received  and  filed  numerous  written  statements, 
mostly  from  royalists,  in  some  of  which  Mr.  Nordhoff  had  a 
hand,  and  fifteen  affidavits,  all  made  by  royalists. 

The  complaint  is  justly  made  that  the  Commissioner  did  not 
seek  evidence  from  the  leading  members  of  the  Committee  of 
Safety,  from  the  members  of  the  Wilcox  Cabinet  or  from 
Lieut.  Swinburne  and  other  officers  of  the  U.  S.  S.  Hnxtnn. 

It  was  with  much  difficulty  and  apparent  reluctance  on 
his  part  that  any  hearing  could  be  obtained  for  those  honest 
and  patriotic  natives  who  had  opposed  the  lottery  bill,  and 
their  evidence  was  not  recorded. 

Nor  was  Minister   Stevens  informed  of    the  charges  against 


90 


him  or  given  any  opportunity  to  reply  to  them.  Much  of 
this  suppressed  evidence  was  afterwards  brought  out  by  the 
Senate  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations. 

It  was  with  great  reluctance  that  Mr.  Blount  accepted  his 
appointment  as  Envoy  Extraordinary  and  Minister  Plenipo- 
tentiary, which,  as  before  stated,  reached  him  May  17.  The 
nature  of  his  report,  however,  was  kept  a  profound  secret  until 
the  middle  of  November.  Weary  of  the  false  position  in  which 
he  found  himself,  and  for  other  private  reasons,  Mr.  Blount 
embarked  for  the  United  States  on  the  8th  of  August. 

Before  leaving  he  wrote  to  Secretary  Gresham,  July  31,  in 
part  as  follows  : 

"  Dear  Sir : — The  condition  of  parties  in  the  Islands  is  one 
of  quiescence.  The  iiction  of  the  United  States  is  awaited  by 
all  as  a  necessity.  *  *  *  The  present  government  can  only 
rest  on  the  use  of  military  force,  possessed  of  most  of  the  arms 
in  the  Islands,  with  a  small  white  population  to  draw  from 
to  strengthen  it.  Ultimately  it  will  fall  without  fail.  It  may 
preserve  its  existence  for  a  year  or  two,  but  no  longer."  In 
this  "the  wish,"  no  doubt,  "was  father  to  the  thought." 

The  United  States  continued  to  be  represented  by  Rear- 
Admiral  Skerrett  at  Honolulu. 

MR.  BLOUNT'S  REPORT. 

Mr.  Blount's  report,  as  might  be  expected,  instead  of  being 
the  dispassionate  summing  up  of  an  impartial  arbitrator,  is 


a  piece  of  special  pleading,  supported  by  a  mass  of  purely 
(X  parte  evidence. 

This  is  not  the  place  to  review  this  document,  and  to 
point  out  its  extraordinary  perversions  of  history,  and  its 
bitter  hostility  to  the  party  of  civilization  and  progress  in 
these  islands.  His  sentiments  in  regard  to  the  American 
colon}'  in  Hawaii  are  the  same  as  those  expressed  by  Gov- 
ernor McDuffie  in  regard  to  the  Texans  in  1836,  viz.,  that 
"  having  emigrated  to  that  country,  they  had  forfeited  all 
claim  to  fraternal  regard,"  and  that  "  having  left  a  land  of 
despotism  with  their  eyes  open,  they  deserved  their  fate." 

On  the  future  destiny  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands  Mr.  Blount 
does  not  vouchsafe  a  ray  of  light,  except  his  remark  that 
they  are  and  must  be  ;'  overwhelmingly  Asiatic." 


CHAPTER  VI. 

BY    BEV.  8.   B.    BISHOP. 

THE  PRESIDENT'S  ENDEAVOR  TO  RESTORE  THE  QUEEN. 

An  extra  session  of  Congress  was  held  in  Washington 
from  August  7th  to  November  3d.  There  was  a  general  ex- 
pectation that  the  President  would  give  to  Congress  the 
results  of  Mr.  Blount's  inquiries,  and  recommend  a  course 
of  policy  towards  Hawaii.  But  an  impenetrable  secrecy 
veiled  the  whole  subject.  Action  was  deferred  until  it  would 


91 


be  too  late  for  Congress  to  interfere  during  the  extra  session. 
Then  the  President  opened  a  new  and  very  remarkable  chap- 
ter in  the  history  of  Hawaii.  During  this  period  of  uncer- 
tainty, the  ex-Queen  sent  Mr.  E.  C.  Macfarlane  on  a  secret 
mission  to  Washington.  Arriving  there  September  10th,  he 
was  granted  long  and  confidential  interviews  both  with  Mr. 
Blount  and  the  Secretary  of  State,  and  thus  was  enabled  to 
bring  back  exclusive  information  in  regard  to  the  secret 
views  of  the  Administration. 

Late  in  September  the  Hon.  Albert  S.  Willis  of  Louisville, 
Kentucky,  was  summoned  to  Washington,  where  he  received 
his  appointment  as  Envoy  Extraordinary  and  Minister 
Plenipotentiary  to  Hawaii.  His  credentials  were  dated  Sep- 
tember 27th.  He  was  for  three  weeks  in  frequent  intercourse 
with  the  President  and  Secretary  of  State,  and  became  fully 
possessed  of  their  views,  as  well  as  familiar  with  the  matter 
of  Blounf's  Report.  Mr.  Willis  had  been  in  Congress  from 
1876  to  1886.  October  iXth,  he  received  his  final  instruc- 
tions, as  follows  : 

DEPARTMENT  OP   STATE, 
WASHINGTON,  October  18th,  1893. 

Sir : — Supplementing  the  general  instructions  which  you 
have  received  with  regard  to  your  official  duties,  it  is  neces- 
sary to  communicate  to  you,  in  confidence,  special  instruc- 
tions for  your  guidance  in  so  far  as  concerns  the  relation  of 


the  Government  of  the  United  States  towards  the  de  facto 
Government  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands. 

The  President  deemed  it  his  duty  to  withdraw  from-  the 
Senate  the  treaty  of  annexation  which  has  been  signed  by 
the  Secretary  of  State  and  the  agents  of  the  Provisional 
Government,  and  to  dispatch  a  trusted  representative  to 
Hawaii  to  impartially  investigate  the  causes  of  the  so-called 
revolution  and  ascertain  and  report  the  true  situation  in 
those  Islands.  This  information  was  needed  the  better  to 
enable  the  President  to  discharge  a  delicate  and  important 
public  duty. 

The  instructions  given  to  Mr.  Blount.  of  which  you  are 
furnished  with  a  copy,  point  out  a  line  of  conduct  to  be 
observed  by  him  in  his  official  and  personal  relations  on  the 
Islands,  by  which  you  will  be  guided  so  far  as  they  are 
applicable  and  not  inconsistent  with  what  is  herein  con- 
tained. 

It  remains  to  acquaint  you  with  the  President's  conclu- 
sions upon  the  facts  embodied  in  Mr.  Blount's  reports  and 
to  direct  your  course,  in  accordance  therewith. 

The  Provisional  Government  was  not -established  by  the 
Hawaiian  people,  or  with  their  consent  or  acquiescence,  nor 
has  it  since  existed  with  their  consent.  The  Queen  refused 
to  surrender  her  powers  to  the  Provisional  Government  until 
convinced  that  the  minister  of  the  United  States  had  recog- 
nized it  as  the  de  facto  authority,  and  would  support  and 
defend  it  with  the  military  force  of  the  United  States,  and 


92 


that  resistance  would  precipitate  a  bloody  conflict  with  that 
force.  She  was  advised  and  assured  by  her  ministers  and 
by  leaders  of  the  movement  for  the  overthrow  of  her  gov- 
ernment, that  if  she  surrendered  under  protest  her  case 
would  afterwards  be  fairly  considered  by  the  President  of 
the  United  States.  The  Queen  finally  wisely  yielded  to  the 
armed  forces  of  the  United  States  then  quartered  in  Hono- 
lulu, relying  upon  the  good  faith  and  honor  of  the  Presi- 
dent, when  informed  of  what  had  occurred,  to  undo  the 
action  of  the  minister  and  reinstate  her  and  the  authority 
which  she  claimed  as  the  constitutional  sovereign  of  the 
Hawaiian  Islands. 

After  a  patient  examination  of  Mr.  Blount's  report  the 
President  is  satisfied  that  the  movement  against  the  Queen, 
if  not  instigated,  was  encouraged  and  supported  by  the  repre- 
sentative of  this  Government  at  Honolulu  ;  that  he  promised 
in  advance  to  aid  her  enemies  in  an  effort  to  overthrow  the 
Hawaiian  Government  and  set  up  by  force  a  new  govern- 
ment in  the  place,  and  that  he  kept  this  promise  by  causing 
a  detachment  of  troops  to  be  landed  from  the  Botton  on  the 
16th  of  January,  and  by  recognizing  the  Provisional  Gov- 
ernment the  next  day  when  it  was  too  feeble  to  defend  itself, 
and  the  Constitutional  Government  was  able  to  successfully 
maintain  its  authority  against  any  threatening  force  other 
than  that  of  the  United  States  already  landed. 

The  President  has,  therefore,  determined  that  he  will  not 
send  back  to  the  Senate  for  its  action  thereon  the  treaty 


which  he  withdrew  from  that  body  for  further  consideration 
on  the  9th  day  of  March  last. 

On  your  arrival  at  Honolulu  you  will  take  advantage  of 
an  early  opportunity  to  inform  the  Queen  of  this  determina- 
tion, making  known  to  her  the  President's  sincere  regret 
that  the  reprehensible  conduct  of  the  American  minister  and 
the  unauthorized  presence  on  land  of  a  military  force  of  the 
United  States  obliged  her  to  surrender  her  sovereignty  for 
the  time  being  and  rely  on  the  justice  of  this  Government 
to  undo  the  flagrant  wrong. 

You  will,  however,  at  the  same  time  inform  the  Queen 
that  when  reinstated  the  President  expects  that  she  will 
pursue  a  magnanimous  course  by  granting  full  amnesty  to 
all  who  participated  in  the  movement  against  her,  including 
persons  who  are  or  have  been  officially  or  otherwise  con- 
nected with  the  Provisional  Government,  depriving  them  of 
no  right  or  privilege  which  they  enjoyed  before  the  so-called 
revolution.  All  obligations  created  by  the  Provisional  Gov- 
ernment in  due  course  of  administration  should  be  assumed. 

Having  secured  the  Queen's  agreement  to  pursue  this  wise 
and  humane  policy,  which  it  is  believed  you  will  speedily 
obtain,  you  will  then  advise  the  executive  of  the  Provisional 
Government  and  his  ministers  of  the  President's  determina- 
tion of  the  question  which  their  action  and  that  of  the 
Queen  devolved  upon  him,  and  that  they  are  expected  to 
promptly  relinquish  to  her  her  constitutional  authority. 

Should    the    Queen   decline    to    pursue    the    liberal    course 


93 


suggested,  or  should  the  Provisional  Government  refuse  to 
abide  by  the  President's  decision,  you  will  report  the  facts 
and  wait  further  directions. 

In  carrying  out  the  general  instructions,  you  will  be  guided 
largely  by  your  own  good  judgment  in  dealing  with  the 
delicate  situation.  I  am,  etc., 

W.  Q.  GRESHAM. 

On  the  same  day  Mr.  Gresham  addressed  an  official  letter 
to  the  President,  in  which  he  endorsed  the  conclusions  of 
Mr.  Blount's  Report,  and  recommended  the  restoration  of 
the  Queen.  This  document  with  the  Report,  was  kept 
strictly  secret  for  one  month  longer,  by  which  time  it  was 
fully  expected  that  Mr.  Willis  would  have  successfully  exe- 
cuted his  mission.  Gresham's  letter  was  given  to  the  press 
November  10th,  and  Blount's  report  on  November  19th,  both 
creating  an  extraordinary  ferment  in  the  United  States. 

Admiral  Skerrett  had  written  July  25th  to  the  Secretary 
of  the  Navy  that  "  the  government  they  ( the  Provisional 
Government)  now  give  the  people  is  the  best  that  they  ever 
had.  I  believe  in  their  eventual  success  and  have  implicit 
faith  in  them."  On  receipt  of  this,  the  Secretary  reminded 
him  of  Blount's  instructions,  adding  the  words  :  "  Protect 
American  citizens  and  American  property,  but  do  not  give 
aid  physical  or  moral  to  either  party  contending  for  the 
Government  at  Honolulu,  Hawaiian  Islands."  He  was  or- 
dered to  the  China  station  in  October,  exchanging  places 


with    Rear-Admiral    John    Irwin,    who   arrived    at    Honolulu, 
November  6th  by  the  China. 

Mr.  Willis  arrived  at  Honolulu,  November  4th.  A  time 
had  been  carefully  selected  when  there  would  be  an  interval 
of  three  weeks,  during  which  the  Islands  would  be  cut  off 
from  communication  with  the  United  States.  On  the  7th, 
he  formally  presented  his  credentials  to  President  Dole,  in 
the  following  terms  : 
MR.  PRESIDENT  : 

Mr.  Blount,  the  late  Envoy  Extraordinary  and  Minister 
Plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States  to  your  Government, 
having  resigned  his  office  while  absent  from  his  post,  I  have 
the  honor  now  to  present  his  letter  of  recall,  and  to  express 
for  him  his  sincere  regret  that  he  is  unable  in  person  to 
make  known  his  continued  good  wishes  in  behalf  of  your 
people  and  his  grateful  appreciation  of  the  many  courtesies 
of  which,  while  here,  he  was  the  honored  recipient. 

I  desire  at  the  same  time  to  place  in  your  hands  the 
letter  accrediting  me  as  his  successor.  In  doing  this  I  am 
directed  by  the  President  to  give  renewed  assurances  of  the 
friendship,  interest,  and  hearty  good  will  which  our  Govern- 
ment entertains  for  you  and  for  the  people  of  this  island 
realm. 

Aside  from  our  geographical  proximity  and  the  consequent 
preponderating  commercial  "interests  which  centre  here,  the 
present  advanced  civilization  and  Christianization  of  your 
people,  together  with  your  enlightened  codes  of  law,  stand 


94 


to-day  beneficial   monuments   of   American  zeal,  courage  and  of    this    Government    for    the    prosperity    of    the    Hawaiian 
intelligence.  Islands.      May    God    have  your  excellency  in  His  wise  keep- 
It  is  not  surprising,  therefore,  that  the  United  States  were  ing. 

the    first    to    recognize    the    independence    of    the    Hawaiian          Written    at    Washington,    this    27th    day   of    September,   in 

Islands   and  to    welcome   them  into,  the  great   family  of   free  the  year  1893.  Your  good  friend, 


nations.     The   letter  of  credence  was   as  follows  : 

GROVER   CLEVELAND, 

President  of  the   United  States  nf  America. 

To  His  Excellency  SANFORD   B.    DOLE,    President  of  the  Pro- 
visional Government  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands. 

GREAT  AND  GOOD  FRIEND  : 

I  have  made  choice  of  Albert  S.  Willis,  one  of  our  dis- 
tinguished citizens,  to  reside  near  the  government  of  your 
excellency  in  the  quality  of  Envoy  Extraordinary  and  Minis- 
ter Plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States  of  America.  He  is 
well  informed  of  the  relative  interests  of  the  two  countries 
and  of  our  sincere  desire  to  cultivate,  to  the  fullest  extent, 
the  friendship  which  has  so  long  subsisted  between  us.  My 
knowledge  of  his  high  character  and  ability  gives  me  entire 
confidence  that  he  will  constantly  endeavor  to  advance  the 
interests  and  prosperity  of  both  governments,  and  so  render 
himself  acceptable  to  your  excellency. 

I  therefore  request  your  excellency  to  receive  him  favor- 
ably and  to  give  full  credence  to  what  he  shall  say  on  the 
part  of  the  United  States,  and  to  the  assurances  which  I 
have  charged  him  to  convey  to  you  of  the  best  wishes 


GROVER  CLEVELAND. 

President    Dole    responded    in    a   cordial    strain. 

The  friendly  tone  of  this  language  tended  to  lull  appre- 
hensions which  had  been  felt  of  a  possibly  hostile  errand  of, 
the  new  Minister.  The  royalists  were  otherwise  informed, 
and  their  organs  insisted  that  Mr.  Willis  had  come  to 
enforce  by  arms  a  demand  for  the  Provisional  Government 
to  abdicate  in  favor  of  Liliuokalani.  No  intimation  of  such 
action  found  its  way  to  the  American  press.  British  agents 
were  better  informed,  and  a  London  telegram  reached  Auck- 
land, N.  Z.,  November  2d,  and  Honolulu,  November  16th, 
that  "  the  President  was  drafting  a  message  to  Congress  in 
favor  of  restoring  monarchy  to  Hawaii."  This  was  the  first 
intimation  received  in  Honolulu  of  the  President's  inten- 
tions. It  was  generally  discredited.  The  British  cruiser 
Champion,  Ca.pt.  Rooke,  arrived  'at  Honolulu,  November 
24th,  and  the  Japanese  cruiser  Naniwa,  December  2d. 

MR.     WILLIS     NEGOTIATES     WITH     THE     EX-QUEEN. 

Already    had    Mr.    Willis   begun   the   execution  of  his  mis- 
sion,  but  at   the  outset  found   his   action   obstructed   by   an 


95 


unforeseen  obstacle.  The  ex-Queen  firmly  refused  to  con- 
cede amnesty  to  her  opponents,  as  an  indispensable  prelimi- 
nary to  her  restoration.  By  his  request,  the  ex-Queen 
visited  the  Minister  at  the  Legation  on  the  13th  of  Nov- 
ember, and  a  short  but  important  private  interview  ensued, 
as  follows  : 

LEGATION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES, 

HONOLULU,  Nov.  16th,  1893. 
MR.    WILLIS   TO"   MR.   GRESHAM. 

Sir: — In  the  forenoon  of  Monday,  the  13th  instant,  by 
prearrangement,  the  Queen,  accompanied  by  the  royal  chamr 
berlain,  Mr.  Robertson,  called  at  the  Legation.  No  one  was 
present  at  the  half-hour  interview  which  followed,  her  cham- 
berlain having  been  taken  to  another  room,  and  Consul- 
General  Mills,  who  had  invited  her  to  come,  remaining  in 
the  front  of  the  house  to  prevent  interruption. 

After  a  formal  greeting,  the  Queen  was  informed  that  the 
President  of  the  United  States  had  important  communica- 
tions to  make  to  her  and  she  was  asked  whether  she  was 
willing  to  receive  them  alone  and  in  confidence,  assuring 
her  that  this  was  for  her  own  interest  and  safety.  She 
answered  in  the  affirmative. 

I  then  made  known  to  her  the  President's  sincere  regret 
that,  through  the  unauthorized  intervention  of  the  United 
States,  she  had  been  obliged  to  surrender  her  sovereignty, 
and  his  hope  that,  with  her  consent  and  cooperation,  the 


wrong   done    to  her  and   to   her  people   might   be   redressed. 
To  this,  she  bowed  her   acknowledgments. 

I  then  said  to  her,  "  The  President  expects  and  believes 
that  when  reinstated  you  will  show  forgiveness  and  magna- 
nimity ;  that  you  will  wish  to  be  the  Queen  of  all  the 
people,  both  native  and  foreign  born  ;  that  you  will  make 
haste  to  secure  their  love  and  loyalty  and  to  establish  peace, 
friendship,  and  good  government."  To  this  she  made  no 
reply.  After  waiting  a  moment,  I  continued:  "The  Presi- 
dent not  only  tenders  you  his  sympathy  but  wishes  to  help 
you.  Before  fully  making  known  to  you  his  purposes,  I 
desire  to  know  whether  you  are  willing  to  answer  certain 
questions  which  it  is  my  duty  to  ask?"  She  answered,  "I 
am  willing."  I  then  asked  her,  "  Should  you  be  restored  to 
the  throne,  would  you  grant  full  amnesty  -as  to  life  and  pro- 
perty to  all  those  persons  who  have  been  or  who  are  now 
in  the  Provisional  Government,  or  who  have  been  instru- 
mental in  the  overthrow  of  your  government?"  She  hesitated 
a  moment  and  then  slowly  and  calmly  answered:  "There 
are  certain  laws  of  my  Government  by  which  I  shall  abide. 
My  decision  would  be,  as  the  law  directs,  that  such  persons 
should  be  beheaded  and  tlieir  property  confiscated  to  the 
Government."  I  then  said,  repeating  very  distinctly  her 
words,  "  It  is  your  feeling  that  these  people  should  be 
beheaded  and  their  property  confiscated?"  She  replied,  "It 
is."  I  then  said  to  her,  "  Do  you  full}7  understand  the 
meaning  of  every  word  which  I  have  said  to  you,  and  of 


96 


every  word  which  you  have  said  to  me,  and,  if  so,  do  you 
still  have  the  same  opinion?"  Her  answer  was,  "I  have 
understood  and  mean  all  I  have  said,  hut  I  might  leave  the 
decision  of  this  to  my  ministers."  To  this  I  replied,  ''  Sup- 
pose it  was  necessary  to  make  a  decision  before  you  ap- 
pointed any  ministers,  and  that  you  were  asked  to  issue  a 
royal  proclamation  of  general  amnesty,  would  you  do  it?" 
She  answered,  "  I  have  no  legal  right  to  do  that,  and  I 
would  not  do  it."  Pausing  a  moment  she  continued.  "These 
people  were  the  cause  of  the  revolution  and  constitution  of 
1887.  There  will  never  be  any  peace  while  they  are  here. 
They  must  be  sent  out  of  the  country,  or  punished,  and 
their  property  confiscated."  I  then  said,  "  I  have  no  further 
communication  to  make  to  you  now,  and  will  have  none 
until  I  hear  from  my  Government,  which  will  probably  be 
three  or  four  weeks." 

Nothing  was  said  for  several  minutes,  when  I  asked  her 
whether  she  was  willing  to  give  me  the  names  of  four  of 
her  most  trusted  friends,  as  I  might,  within  a  day  or  two, 
consider  it  my  duty  to  hold  a  consultation  with  them  in 
her  presence.  She  assented,  and  gave  these  names  :  J.  O. 
Carter,  John  Richardson,  Joseph  Nawahi  and  E.  C.  Mac- 
farlane. 

I  then  inquired  whether  she  had  any  fears  for  her  safety, 
at  her  present  residence,  Washington  Square.  She  replied 
that  she  did  have  some  fears,  that  while  she  had  trusty 
friends  that  guarded  her  house  every  night,  they  were  armed 


only  with  clubs,  and  that  men  shabbily  dressed  had  been 
often  seen  prowling  about  the  adjoining  premises — a  school- 
house  with  large  yard.  I  informed  her  that  I  was  autho- 
rized by  the  President  to  offer  her  protection  either  on  one 
of  our  "war  ships  or  at  the  legation  and  desired  her  to  accept 
the  offer  at  once.  She  declined,  saying  she  believed  it  was 
best  for  her  at  present  to  remain  at  her  own  residence.  I 
then  said  to  her  that  at  any  moment,  night  or  day,  this 
offer  of  our  Government  was  open  to  her  acceptance. 

The  interview  thereupon,  after  some  personal  remarks,  was 
brought  to  a  close. 

Upon  reflection,  I  concluded  not  to  hold  any  consultation 
at  present  with  the  Queen's  friends,  as  they  have  no  official 
position,  and  furthermore,  because  I  feared,  if  known  to  so 
many,  her  declarations  might  become  public,  to  her  great 
detriment,  if  not  danger,  and  to  the  interruption  of  the 
plans  of  our  Government. 

Mr.  J.  O.  Carter  is  a  brother  of  Mr.  H.  A.  P.  Carter,  the 
former  Hawaiian  Minister  to  the  United  States,  and  is  con- 
ceded to  be  a  man  of  high  character,  integrity,  and  intelli- 
gence. He  is  about  55  years  old.  He  has  had  no  public 
experience.  Mr.  Macfarlane,  like  Mr.  Carter,  is  of  white 
•parentage,  is  an  unmarried  man,  about  42  years  old,  and  is 
engaged  in  the  commission  business.  John  Richardson  is  a 
young  man  of  about  35  years  old.  He  is  a  cousin  of 
Samuel  Parker,  the  half-caste,  who  was  a  member  of  the 
Queen's  cabinet  at  the  time  of  the  last  revolution.  He  is  a 


resident  of  Maui,  being  designated  in  the  directory  of  1889 
as  "  attorney  at  law,  stock-raiser,  and  proprietor  Bismark 
livery  stable."  Richardson  is  "  half-caste."  Joseph  Nawahi 
is  a  full-blooded  native,  practices  law  (as  he  told  me)  in  the 
native  courts,  and  has  a  moderate  English  education.  He 
has  served  twenty  years  in  the  legislature,  but  displays  very 
little  knowledge  of  the  structure  and  philosophy  of  the  Gov- 
ernment which  he  so  long  represented.  He  is  51  years  old, 
and  is  president  of  the  native  Hawaiian  political  club. 

Upon  being  asked  to  name  three  of  the  most  prominent 
native  leaders,  he  gave  the  names  of  John  E.  Bush,  R.  \V. 
Wilcox,  and  modestly  added,  "  I  am  a  leader."  John  E. 
Bush  is  a  man  of  considerable  ability,  but  his  reputation  is 
very  bad.  R.  W.  Wilcox  is  the  notorious  half-breed  who 
engineered  the  revolution  of  1889.  Of  all  these  men  Carter 
and  Macfarlane  are  the  only  two  to  whom  the  ministerial 
bureaus  could  be  safely  entrusted.  In  conversation  with 
Sam  Parker,  and  also  with  Joseph  Nawahi,  it  was  plainly 
evident  that  the  Queen's  implied  condemnation  of  the  con- 
stitution of  1887  was  fully  indorsed  by  them. 

From  these  and  other  facts  whrch  have  been  developed  I 
feel  satisfied  that  there  will  be  a  concerted  movement  in  the 
event  of  restoration  for  the  overthrow  of  that  constitution, 
which  would  mean  the  overthrow  of  constitutional  and 
limited  government  and  the  absolute  dominion  of  the  Queen. 

The  law  referred  to  by  the  Queen  is  Chapter  VI,  Section 
9  of  the  Penal  Code,  as  follows : 


"Whoever  shall  commit  the  crime  of  treason  shall  suffer 
the  punishment  of  death,  and  all  his  property  shall  be  con- 
fiscated to  the  Government." 

There  are,  under  this  law,  no  degrees  of  treason.  Plotting 
alone  carries  with  it  the  death  sentence. 

I  need  hardly  add,  in  conclusion,  that  the  tension  of  feel- 
ing is  so  great  that  the  promptest  action  is  necessary  to  pre- 
vent disastrous  consequences. 

I  send  a  cipher  telegram  asking  that  Mr.  Blount's  report 
be  withheld  for  the  present,  and  I  send  with  it  a  telegram, 
not  in  cipher,  as  follows : 

"  Views  of  the  first  party  so  extreme  as  to  require  further 
instructions." 


I   am,   etc., 


ALBERT   S.  WILLIS. 


In  reporting  the  foregoing  interview,  Mr.  Willis  suggested 
to  Mr.  Gresham  that  "Blount's  report  be  withheld  from  the 
public  for  the  present" — a  measure  of  prudence  advised  too 
late.  The  Auckland  telegram  led  to  influential  persons 
making  earnest  inquiries  of  the  Minister  as  to  his  inten- 
tions. He  replied  that  "no  change  would  take  place  for 
some  time.  Unforeseen  contingencies  had  arisen,  and  farther 
communication  with  Washington  must  be  had  before  any 
thing  could  be  done."  Great  speculation  at  once  arose  as 
to  the  nature  of  the  "  contingencies "  spoken  of.  No  one 
guessed  the  truth.  The  disturbance  and  excitement  of  the 
public  mind  daily  increased.  The  Government  perfected  the 


98 


H.  A.   WIDEMANN.  J.  O.  CARTER. 

«.  W.  MACFARLANE  C.  3PRECKELS. 


E.  C.  MACFARLANE. 


defenses  of  the  Executive  and  Judiciary  buildings.  The 
volunteer  forces  were  increased  and  improved  in  organiza- 
tion and  equipment. 

By  the  Monowai,  November  24th,  came  Gresham's  letter 
to  the  President,  urging  "the  restoration  of  the  legitimate 
government "  of  Hawaii,  on  the  ground  of  facts  established 
by  Blount's  report.  On  the  evening  of  the  25th,  a  very 
large  and  enthusiastic  mass  meeting  was  held  in  the  drill- 
shed.  Several  speeches  were  made  by  prominent  men,  coun- 
selling resistance  to  the  utmost.  The  first  address  was  by 
Vice-President  F.  M.  Hatch,  who  made  a  cogent  argument 
to  show  that  no  such  arbitration  as  Gresham  alleged  had 
ever  been  or  could  be  held  by  the  President,  nor  could  his 
decision  have  any  force.  The  following  resolutions  were 
adopted  by  the  assembly  : 

"  Resolved,  That  we  have  read  with  surprise  and  regret  the 
recommendation  of  the  Secretary  of  State  of  the  United 
States  to  the  President,  to  restore  the  monarchy  lately  exist- 
ing in  Hawaii. 

Resolved,  That  we  condemn  the  assumption  of  the  Secre- 
tary that  the  right  of  the  Provisional  Government  to  exist 
was  terminated  by  his  refusal  to  re-submit  to  the  Senate  the 
treaty  of  Union  pending  between  the  two  countries  ;  and  also 
his  assumption  that  the  Provisional  Government  had  at  that 
very  time  submitted  the  question  of  its  continued  existence 
to  the  arbitrament  of  the  President  or  of  any  other  power. 

Resolved,   That   we   support   to  the  best  of  our  ability  the 


Provisional  Government,  in  resisting  any  attack  upon  it 
which  may  be  made  contrary  to  the  usage  of  nations." 

On  November  29th,  President  Dole  addressed  to  Minister 
Willis  the  inquiry  whether  the  press  report  of  Gresham's 
letter  was  correct,  and  what  were  the  intentions  of  the 
United  States  Government  towards  that  of  Hawaii  ?  On 
December  2d,  Mr.  Willis  replied  that  Gresham's  letter  "  was 
in  the  nature  of  a  report  to  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  and  could  only  be  regarded  as  a  domestic  matter, 
for  which  the  American  Minister  to  Hawaii  was  in  no  way 
responsible,  and  which  he  could  not  assume  to  interpret." 
He  also  declined  to  inform  President  Dole  of  the  views  or 
intentions  of  the  United  States  Government.  He  had,  how- 
ever, assured  various  persons  that  no  action  would  be  taken 
until  an  answer  was  received  to  his  dispatch  of  November 
16th,  which  would  not  be  due  until  the  arrival  of  the  regu- 
lar mail  steamer  of  December  21st.  This  assurance  served 
to  allay  the  public  apprehensions,  as  it  was  most  confidently 
expected  that  before  that  date  Congress  would  effectively 
interpose  to  arrest  the  President's  proceedings. 

A£  Washington,  in  the  meantime,  the  Hawaiian  Minister, 
L.  A.  Thurston,  on  November  21st,  made  a  sharp  and 
cogent  reply  to  Blount's  attack  upon  himself,  and  exposed 
the  fallacy  of  his  main  position,  that  "  but  for  the  support 
of  the  United  States  representative  and  troops  the  establish- 
ment of  the  Provisional  Government  would  have  been  im- 
possible. " 

99 


In  the  interim,  Minister  Willis  held  occasional  conferences 
with  leading  adherents  of  the  Queen,  apparently  in  order  to 
inform  himself  as  to  their  characters  and  opinions.  On 
December  5th,  the  ex-marshal,  C.  B.  Wilson,  called  on  Mr. 
Willis,  and  submitted  a  lengthy  programme  of  proposed 
procedure  to  accompany  the  Queen's  restoration.  This  he 
said  had  been  submitted  to  leading  advisers  of  the  Queen, 
and  had  met  their  approval.  It  included  a  series  of  meas- 
sures  of  great  severity  towards  all  concerned  in  establishing 
the  Provisional  Government. 

Wilson  also  submitted  a  long  list  of  "  tried  and  trusted 
friends  of  the  monarchy  and  the  nation "  who  should 
form  a  council  to  aid  the  Queen  in  carrying  out  the  pro- 
posed measures  and  in  re-establishing  herself  upon  the 
throne.  Upon  this  list  Mr.  Willis  made  the  following  com- 
ment : 

"An  analysis  of  the  list  of  special  advisers,  whether 
native  or  foreign,  is  not  encouraging  to  the  friends  of  good 
government,  or  of  American  interests.  This  is  true,  both  of 
the  special  list  of  advisers,  and  of  the  supplementary  list. 
The  Americans  who  for  over  half  a  century  held  a  commanding 
place  in  the  councils  of  state,  are  ignored,  and  other  nation- 
alities, English  especially,  are  placed  in  charge."  Herein 
Mr.  Willis  showed  himself  sufficiently  American  to  recognize 
considerations  which  Mr.  Blount  had  totally  ignored. 

Congress  assembled  on  December  4th,  for  its  regular 
session.  The  President's  message  of  that  date  contained 


only   a  brief  and  indefinite  statement  concerning  Hawaii,  the 
essential  part  of  which  was  as  follows: 

"Our -only  honorable  course  was  to  undo  the  wrong  that 
had  been  done  by  those  representing  us,  and  to  restore  as 
far  as  practicable  the  status  existing  at  the  time  of  our 
forcible  intervention.  Our  present  Minister  has  received 
appropriate  instructions  to  that  end." 

This  was  the  first  positive  information  published  any- 
where as  to  the  orders  of  Minister  Willis.  It  reached  Hono- 
lulu on  the  14th  of  December,  by  the  U.  S.  Revenue  cutter 
Corwin,  which  had  been  secretly  despatched  on  the  same 
day  as  the  Message,  with  orders  to  Minister  Willis  as 
follows  : 

DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE, 
WASHINGTON,  December  3d,  1893. 

MR.  GRESHAM  TO  MR.  WILLIS. 

Your  dispatch,  which  was  answered  by  steamer  on  the 
25th  of  November,  seems  to  call  for  additional  instructions. 

Should  the  Queen  refuse  assent  to  the  written  conditions, 
you  will  at  once  inform  her  that  the  President  will  cease 
interposition  in  her  behalf,  and  that  while  he  deems  it  his 
duty  to  endeavor  to  restore  to  the  sovereign  the  constitu- 
tional government  of  the  islands,  his  further  efforts  in  that 
direction  will  depend  upon  the  Queen's  unqualified  agree- 
ment that  all  obligations  created  by  the  Provisional  Govern- 
ment in  a  proper  course  of  administration  shall  be  assumed, 


100 


TELEPHONES 


OFFICE  TELEPMONES 

MUWAl  121  .  BCLL  121  . 

{RESIDENCE  TaepHiM.em.fl 


DEALER 


C9RA4ER  °'  QUEEN  &  NUAWHU  ST-S. 

WAREHOUSE 
LELEO .  KIMC  ST.i^fA»0  R&LC^OEPOT. 

PR9MPT  DELIVERY^. 
PO  BOX  452. 


i 


and  upon  such  pledges  by  her  as  will  prevent  the  adoption 
of  any  measures  of  proscription  or  punishment  for  what  has 
been  done  in  the  past  by  those  setting  up  or  supporting  the 
Provisional  Government.  The  President  feels  that  by  our 
original  interference  and  what  followed,  we  have  incurred 
responsibilities  to  the  whole  Hawaiian  community,  and  it 
would  not  be  just  to  put  one  party  at  the  mercy  of  the 
other. 

Should  the  Queen  ask  whether  if  she  accedes  to  conditions 
active  steps  will  be  taken  by  the  United  States  to  effect  her 
restoration,  or  to  maintain  her  authority  thereafter,  you  will 
say  that  the  President  can  not  use  force  without  the 
authority  of  Congress. 

Should  the  Queen  accept  conditions  and  the  Provisional 
Government  refuse  to  surrender,  you  will  be  governed  by 
previous  instructions.  If  the  Provisional  Government  asks 
whether  the  United  States  will  hold  the  Queen  to  fulfillment 
of  stipulated  conditions  you  will  say,  the  President  acting 
under  dictates  of  honor  and  duty,  as  he  has  done  in  endea- 
voring to  effect  restoration,  will  do  all  in  his  constitutional 
power  to  cause  observance  of  the  conditions  he  has  imposed. 

GKESHAM. 

The  Corwin  was  not  allowed  to  bring  any  mail  matter, 
but  a  newspaper  containing  the  President's  melange  hap- 
pened to  be  on  board. 

Minister   Thurston    at    Washington,    on    the   day    after   the 


President's  message,  addressed  to  Stereta-ry  fetreshain  a  vigor- 
ous protest  against  the  President's  assumption  of  authority 
or  juiisdiction  to  restore  the  Queen  or  in  any  way  to  inter- 
fere with  the  Government  of  Hawaii.  He  also  sought  in  an 
interview  with  the  Secretary  to  learn  whether  Minister 
Willis  had  been  empowered  to  employ  force  in  restoring  the 
Queen.  The  Secretary  was  diplomatic,  but  left  the  impres- 
sion upon  Mr.  Thurston's  mind  that  such  force  was  not  to 
be  used. 

The  attacks  upon  the  President's  action  continued  in  Con- 
gress and  in  the  public  press  with  increasing  severity.  Reso- 
lutions were  speedily  passed  by  both  Houses,  requesting 
full  information  on  Hawaiian  affairs.  On  the  18th  of  Decem- 
ber, President  Cleveland  sent  to  Congress  a  special  message 
upon  the  Hawaiian  question,  commending  this  subject  to 
their  "extended  powers  and  wide  discretion."  At  that 
moment  the  business  was  reaching  its  crisis  at  Honolulu. 

The  essential   part  of  the  message  is  as  follows  : 

To  THE  SENATE  AND  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES  : 

"  In  my  recent  annual  message  to  the  Congress,  I  briefly 
referred  to  our  relations  with  Hawaii,  and  expressed  the 
intention  of  transmitting  further  information  on  the  subject 
when  additional  advices  permitted. 

Though  I  am  not  able  now  to  report  a  definite  change  in 
the  actual  situation,  I  am  convinced  that  the  difficulties 


101 


Juteljy/ •  cresttfed,' ;  ^oth /here,  and  in  Hawaii,  and  now  standing  providing  for  clemency  as  well  as  justice  to  all  parties  con- 
in  the  way  of  a  solution  through  executive  action  of  the  cerned.  The  conditions  suggested,  as  the  instructions  show, 
problem  presented,  render  it  proper  and  expedient  that  the  contemplate  a  general  amnesty  to  those  concerned  in  set- 
matter  should  be  referred  to  the  broader  authority  and  dis-  ting  up  the  Provisional  Government  and  a  recognition  of 
cretion  of  Congress,  with  a  full  explanation  of  the  endeavor 
thus  far  made  to  deal  with  the  emergency,  and  a  statement 
of  the  considerations  which  have  governed  my  action." 


After  an  extended  statement,  based  entirely  on  Col. 
Blount's  report,  the  President  continued  as  follows  : 

« 

DECEMBER   18th,   1893. 

"1  believe  that  a  candid  and  thorough  examination  of  the 
facts  will  force  the  conviction  that  the  Provisional  Govern- 
ment owes  its  existence  to  an  armed  invasion  by  the  United 
States. 

******* 

A   substantial  wrong  has    thus  been  done  which  a   due  re- 


all   its   bona  fide  acts  and   obligations. 

In  short,  they  require  that  the  past  should  be  buried,  and 
that  the  restored  government  should  reassume  its  authority 
as  if  its  continuity  had  not  been  interrupted.  These  condi- 
tions have  not  proved  acceptable  to  the  Queen,  and  though 
she  has  been  informed  that  they  will  be  insisted  upon  and 
that,  unless  acceded  to,  the  efforts  of  the  President  to  aid 
in  the  restoration  of  her  government  will  cease,  I  have  not 
thus  far  learned  that  she  is  willing  to  yield  them  her 
acquiescence.  The  check  which  my  plans  have  thus  encoun- 
tered has  prevented  their  presentation  to  the  members  of 
the  Provisional  Government,  while  unfortunate  public  mis- 
representations of  the  situation  and  exaggerated  statements 


gard  for  our   national    character  as  well  as  the  rights  of    the  of   the  sentiments  of  our  people  have  obviously    injured    the 

injured   people  requires   that   we   should    endeavor    to    repair,  prospects  of  successful   executive  mediation. 

******  I    therefore   submit    this   communication    with    its    accom- 

Actuated  by  these  desires  and  purposes  and  not  unmindful  panying   exhibits',    embracing    Mr.    Blount's    report,    the   evi- 

of  the  inherent  perplexities  of  the  situation  nor  of  the  limi-  dence  and  statements  taken  by  him  at  Honolulu,  the  instruc- 

tations  upon  my  power,  I  instructed   Minister  Willis  to  advise  tions   given    to    both    Mr.    Blount   and    Minister    Willis,    and 

the   Queen    and   her   supporters   of   my   desire   to  aid    in   the  correspondence  connected  with  the  affair  in  hand, 
restoration    of   the   status   existing  before  the  lawless  landing          In  commending   this    subject  to    the  extended    powers    and 

of    the    United    States    forces   at    Honolulu    on    the    16th    of  wide   discretion  of  the  Congress,  I    desire,  to   add   the   assur- 

January  last,  if  such  restoration  could  be  effected  upon  terms  ance   that   I   shall    be    much    gratified    to   cooperate    in    any 

102 


legislative  plan  which  may  he  devised  for  the  solution  of 
the  problem  before  us,  which  is  consistent  with  American 
honor,  integrity  and  morality." 

GROVEB  CLEVELAND. 


The  unexpected  arrival  of  the  Corwin  in  the  early  morn- 
ing of  the  14th  created  intense  excitement  and  consternation, 
beginning  a  seven  days  of  severest  anxiety  and  apprehen- 
sion. A  demand  for  the  restoration  of  the  deposed  Queen 
was  daily  expected  from  the  American  Minister.  It  was 
believed  by  all  parties  that  this  demand  would  be  supported 
by  the  naval  forces  of  the  warships  Philadelphia  and  Adams, 
under  the  command  of  Admiral  Irwin.  The  forces  of  those 
ships  were  immediately  prepared  and  held  in  hourly  readi- 
ness for  landing.  It  was  evident  that  the  President  had 
arranged  to  be  beforehand  with  any  possible  interference  by 
Congress  with  his  designs.  The  supporters  of  the  Govern- 
ment were  fully  prepared  to  resist  to  the  utmost  the  attack 
of  the  United  States  forces.  Battle  was  expected  at  any 
hour,  and  the  strain  and  tension  grew  daily  more  severe. 
This  state  of  things  is  described  in  detail  in  President  Dole's 
letter  of  specifications  to  Minister  Willis,  of  January  llth, 
1894.  It  was  subsequently  proved  that  the  coming  demand 
was  not  intended  to  be  supported  by  the  actual  use  of  force, 
but  only  by  an  exhibition  thereof. 


RENEWED    EFFORTS    TO    MOLLIFY    ROYALTY?. 

On  the  16th,  two  days  after  the  arrival  of  the  Corwin, 
ex-Queen  came  by  previous  appointment  to  the  legation  at  9 
A.  M.,  accompanied  by  Mr.  J.  0.  Carter  as  adviser.  Mr.  Willis 
said,  "  The  President  expects  and  believes  that  when  rein- 
stated you  will  show  forgiveness  and  magnanimity."  Read- 
ing over  his  report  of  their  interview  of  November  13th,  he 
asked  if  her  views  were  now  in  any  respect  modified.  The 
only  concession  she  would  make  was  to  remit  the  capital 
punishment  of  her  opponents,  but  they  and  their  families 
must  be  deported,  and  their  property  confiscated.  "  Their 
presence  and  that  of  their  children  would  always  be  a 
dangerous  menace  to  herself  and  her  people."  She  also 
insisted  on  being  reinstated  with  a  new  Constitution  similar 
to  the  one  she  had  attempted  to  promulgate.  She  agreed  to 
accept  responsibility  for  the  obligations  of  the  Provisional 
Government,  their  military  expenses  to  be  refunded  to  the 
treasury  out  of  their  confiscated  estates. 

On  Monday  the  18th,  at  Mr.  Carter's  solicitation,  another 
interview  was  accorded  to  Liliuokalani.  This  took  place  at 
her  residence  in  Washington  Place,  in  the  afternoon,  Mr. 
Carter  being  present  with  Consul  Mills  as  stenographer. 
Mr.  Carter  made  an  address,  in  which  he  urged  her  to 
comply — that  good  government  seemed  impossible  unless 
Her  Majesty  showed  a  spirit  of  forgiveness  and  magnanimity 


103 


— that  the  movement  against  her  and  her  people  embraced  a 
a  large  and  respectable  portion  of  the  foreign  element  in 
this  community,  which  could  not  be  ignored. 

The  ex-Queen  expressed  herself  as  feeling  that  any  third 
attempt  at  revolution  on  the  part  of  those  people  would  be 
very  destructive  to  life  and  property;  that  her  people  had 
had  about  all  they  could  stand  of  this  interference  with 
their  rights.  She  continued  explicitly  to  define  her  intention 
that  their  property  should  be  confiscated. 

Mr.  Willis  made  it  clear  that  the  President  would  insist 
upon  complete  amnesty  and  the  old  Constitution. 

She  asked  how  she  should  know  that  in  the  future  the 
country  should  not  be  troubled  again  as  Tl  haTi  been  in 
the  past. 

The  Minister  replied  that  the  United  States  had  no  right 
to  look  into  that  subject  or  to  express  an  opinion  upon  it. 

The  interview  terminated,  and  after  the  report  thereof 
had  been  duly  attested,  Mr.  Mills  informed  the  ex-Queen 
that  the  two  reports  of  the  16th  and  18th  would  be  immedi- 
ately forwarded  to  the  President,  and  his  answer  when 
received  would  be  promptly  made  known  to  her.  By  the 
minister's  orders,  the  Corwin  was  put  in  readiness  to  sail 
that  evening  with  his  despatches. 

All  that  morning  of  the  18th  there  had  been  increased  stir 
of  preparation  on  board  of  the  Philadelphia  and  the  Adams. 
Crowds  of  natives  thronged  the  wharves  in  expectation  of 
an  immediate  landing  of  the  naval  forces  to  restore  the 


Queen.  A  majority  of  the  native  policemen  that  morning 
threw  up  their  positions,  rather  than  take  a  required  oath 
to  support  the  Government.  Intense  alarm  pervaded  the 
city  all  that  day. 

Mr.  H.  F.  Glade,  consul  for  Germany  called  that  morning 
upon  Mr.  Willis  -and  asked  him  to  say  something  to  allay 
the  extreme  tension  of  alarm  which  was  paralyzing  all  busi- 
ness and  filling  the  people  with  terror.  The  Minister  replied 
that  he  was  unable  to  say  anything — that  he  was  laboring 
to  the  utmost  to  secure  a  result  satisfactory  to  all  parties,  but 
did  not  expect  to  attain  that  end  under  forty-eight  hours. 

The  supporters  of  the  Government  had  in  the  mean  time 
given  the  Executive  the  strongest  assurance  of  their  desire 
and  readiness  to  resist  to  the  death  the  United  States  forces 
in  any  attempt  to  restore  the  Queen.  The  Government  had 
at  first  felt  hesitation  in  proposing  to  Americans  to  fire 
upon  their  own  flag.  The  urgent  appeals  of  American  citi- 
zens, however,  determined  the  Government  to  resist  to  the 
last,  and  arrangements  were  made  accordingly.  It  was  well 
that  the  ex-Queen's  desires  to  behead  and  deport  her  oppo- 
nents had  been  kept  secret.  Farther  exasperation  would 
have  been  dangerous. 

MR.  CARTER'S  SUCCESSFUL  MEDIATION. 

In  his  repeated  intercourse  during  the  day  with  the  ex- 
Queen,  the  Minister  was  imagined  to  be  formulating  the 
re-organization  of  her  government.  It  was  not  imagined 


104 


=  ~*~^^SHBgH 

JTWaterhouse 


that  she  was  resisting  a  demand  for  amnesty.  She  con- 
tinued to  be  obdurate.  The  dispatches  reporting  her  final 
refusal  of  the  terms  were  ready  to  go  to  the  Corwin.  Seeing 
this  to  be  her  last  opportunity,  her  faithful  friend,  Mr.  J.  O. 
Carter,  a  man  of  conscientious  character,  again  went  to  her 
and  labored  with  her  with  such  success  that  at  6  p.  M.  he 
was  enabled  to  carry  to  Mr.  Willis  a  written  assurance  that 
she  would  comply  with  all  his  conditions.  The  Corwin's 
sailing  was  countermanded. 

No  one  has  questioned  the  integrity  of  Mr.  Carter's  inten- 
tions. But  after  Liliuokalani's  extreme  attitude  became  known 
about  beheading  and  confiscation,  a  strong  feeling  arose 
against  him  for  having  labored  so  zealously  to  secure  her 
restoration,  after  having  learned  her  disposition.  The  animo- 
sity became  so  strong  among  Mr.  Carter's  former  near  asso- 
ciates who  had  been  marked  as  her  victims,  that  he  was 
displaced  from  a  responsible  and  lucrative  business  position. 

President  Dole  had  that  afternoon  addressed  to  Mr.  Willis 
the  following  letter  : 

DEPARTMENT  OF  FOREIGN  AFFAIRS, 
HONOLULU,  HAWAIIAN  ISLANDS,  Dec.  18th,  1893. 

Sir :  I  am  informed  that  you  are  in  communication  with 
Liliuokalani,  the  ex-Queen,  with  a  view  of  re-establishing 
the  monarchy  in  the  Hawaiian  Islands  and  of  supporting 


.her  pretensions  to  the  sovereignty.  Will  you  inform  me  if 
this  report  is  true  or  if  you  are  acting  in  any  way  hostile 
to  this  Government. 

I  appreciate  fully  the  fact  that  any  such  action  upon  your 
part  in  view  of  your  official  relations  with  this  Government 
would  seem  impossible ;  but  as  the  information  has  come 
to  me  from  such  sources  that  I  am  compelled  to  notice  it, 
you  will  pardon  me  for  pressing  you  for  an  immediate 
answer. 

Accept  the  assurances  of  distinguished  consideration  with 
which  I  have  the  honor  to  be  sir, 

Your  excellency's  obedient,  humble  servant, 

SANFORD  B.  DOLE, 
Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs. 

Mr.  Willis  replied   next  morning  as  follows: 

LEGATION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES, 

HONOLULU,  Dec.  19th,  1893. 

Sir:  I  have  the  honor  to  inform  you  that  I  have  a  com- 
munication from  my  Government  which  I  desire  to  submit 
to  the  President  and  ministers  of  your  Government  at  any 
hour  to-day  which  it  may  please  you  to  designate. 

With  high  regard  and  sincere  respect,  I  am,  etc., 

ALBERT  S.  WILLIS. 


105 


ties    which    have    so    closely    bound    together   our    respective 

THE    DEMAND    J*OK    TItE    QUEEN  S    RESTORATION. 

Governments. 

The  President   deemed   it  his  duty  to  withdraw  from   the 

At   9:30    A.    M.,   of  the    19th,    Mr.    Carter    brought    to    Mr.  Senate  the   treaty  of  annexation   which   had   been  signed   by 

Willis    the  ex-Queen's  fully   expressed    agreement   to    all   his  the    Secretary  of  State  and  the  agents  of  your  Government, 

conditions.     At    1:30   P.   M.,   the   American    Minister    met    the  and    to   dispatch    a    trusted   representative    to    Hawaii    to  im- 

President  and  Executive  Council  at  the   Foreign   Office,   and  partially    investigate    the    causes     of    your    revolution,    and 

read  to  them  the  following  communication :  ascertain    and    report    the    true    situation    in    these    islands. 

This  information  was  needed,  the  better  to  enable  the  Presi- 

Ma.  PRESIDENT  AND  GENTLEMEN  :  dent  to  discharge  a  delicate  and  important  duty.      Upon  the 

facts   embodied    in    Mr.    Blount's    reports,    the    President    has 

The     President     of    the     United     States     has    very     much  arrived     at     certain     conclusions     and     determined     upon     a 

regretted    the    delay    in   the    consideration    of    the    Hawaiian  certain  course  of  action    with   which  it   becomes  my  duty  to 

question,    but    it   has   been    unavoidable.     So   much   of   it   as  acquaint  you. 

has  occurred  since  my  arrival  has  been  due  to  certain  condi-  The    Provisional    Government    was   not   established    by    the 

tions  precedent,  compliance    with   which  was  required   before  Hawaiian   people  or  with  their   consent  or   acquiescence,  nor 

I    was   authorized    to   confer    with    you.     The    President   also  has  it  since  existed  with  their  consent.      The   Queen   refused 

regrets,    as    most   assuredly   do    I,   that   any   seeming   secrecy  to  surrender  her  powers  to  the  Provisional  Government  until 

should    have   surrounded    the   interchange    of    views    between  convinced  that  the  Minister  of  the  United   States  had  recog- 

our   two   Governments.     I    may    say   this,    however,   that   the  nized   it  as    the   de  facto  authority    and   would    support    and 

secrecy   thus  far   observed,   has   been   in  the  interest  and  for  defend   it   with   the   military   force  of  the  United   States,  and 

the  safety  of  all  your  people.  that  resistance   would  precipitate  a  bloody   conflict  with  that 

I    need    hardly    promise   that   the    President's    action    upon  force.     She    was   advised    and    assured    by   her   ministers   and 

the  Hawaiian  question   has  been  under  the  dictates  of  honor  by    leaders    of     the     movement    for     the    overthrow    of    her 

and   duty.      It    is    now,   and    has  been    from    the    beginning,  Government  that  if  she  surrendered    under   protest   her  case 

absolutely   free  from    prejudice  and  resentment,  and  entirely  would    afterwards    be    fairly    considered    by    the  President    of 

consistent    with    the    long-established    friendship    and    treaty  the  United  States.     The  Queen   finally   yielded  to  the  armed 

106 


forces    of    the    United    States    then    quartered    in    Honolulu,      interference,   had   incurred    responsibilities  to    the  whole    Ha- 


relying  on  the  good  faith  and  honor  of  the  President,  when 
informed  of  what  had  occurred,  to  undo  the  action  of  the  Min- 
ister and  reinstate  her  and  the  authority  which  she  claimed 
as  the  constitutional  sovereign  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands. 

After  a  patient  examination  of  Mr.  Blount's  reports  the 
President  is  satisfied  that  the  movement  against  the  Queen, 
if  not  instigated,  was  encouraged  and  supported  by  the 
representative  of  this  Government  at  Honolulu  ;  that  he 
promised  in  advance  to  aid  her  enemies  in  an  effort  to  over- 
throw the  Hawaiian  Government  and  set  up  by  force  a  new 
government  in  its  place,  and  that  he  kept  this  promise  by 
causing  a  detachment  of  troops  to  be  landed  from  the 
Boston  on  the  16th  of  January,  and  by  recognizing  the 
Provisional  Government  the  next  day  when  it  was  too  feeble 
to  defend  itself  and  the  Constitutional  Government  was  able 
to  successfully  maintain  its  authority  against  any  threatening 
force  other  than  that  of  the  United  States  already  landed. 

The  President  has  therefore  determined  that  he  will  not 
send  hack  to  the  Senate  for  ijts  action  thereon  the  treaty 
which  he  withdrew  from  that  body  for  further  consideration 
on  the  9th  day  of  March  last. 

In  view  of  these  conclusions,  I  was  instructed  by  the 
President  to  take  advantage  of  an  early  opportunity  to 
inform  the  Queen  of  this  determination  and  of  his  views 
as  to  the  responsibility  of  our  Government. 

The    President,    however,    felt    that  "  we,    by    our    original 


waiian  community,  and  that  it  would  not  be  just  to  put  one 
party  at  the  mercy  of  the  other.  I  was,  therefore,  instructed, 
at  the  same  time,  to  inform  the  Queen  that  when  reinstated, 
that  the  President  expected  that  she  would  pursue  a 
magnanimous  course  by  granting  fully  amnesty  to  all  who 
participated  in  the  movement  against  her,  including  persons 
who  are  or  who  have  been  officially  or  otherwise  connected 
with  the  Provisional  Government,  depriving  them  of  no 
right  or  privilege  which  they  enjoyed  before  the  so-culled 
revolution.  All  obligations  created  by  the  Provisional  Govern- 
ment in  due  course  of  administration  should  be  assumed. 

In  obedience  to  the  command  of  the  President  I  have 
secured  the  Queen's  agreement  to  this  course,  and  I  -now 
read  and  deliver  a  writing  signed  by  her  and  duly  attested, 
a  copy  of  which  I  will  leave  with  you. 

(The  agreement  was  here  read.) 

It  becomes  my  further  duty  to  advise  you,  sir,  the  exe- 
cutive of  the  Provisional  Government  and  your  ministers, 
of  the  President's  determination  of  the  question,  which  your 
action  and  that  of  the  Queen  devolved  upon  h'irn,  and  that 
you  are  expected  to  promptly  relinquish  to  her  constitu- 
tional authority. 

And  now,  Mr.  President,  and  gentlemen  of  the  Provisional 
Government,  with  a  deep  and  solemn  ^ense  of  the  gravity 
of  the  situation  and  with  the  earnest  hope  that  your  answer 
will  be  inspired  by  that  high  patriotism  which  forgets  all 


107 


self-interest,  in  the  name  and  by  the  authority  of  the  United 
States  of  America,  I  submit  to  you  the  question,  "  Are  you 
willing  to  abide  by  the  decision  of  the  President  ?" 

The  Advisory  Council  were  immediately  summoned  to  con- 
ference. With  the  utmost  promptness  and  unanimity,  both 
councils  voted  to  instruct  President  Dole  to  refuse  compli- 
ance with  the  extraordinary  demand  of  Mr.  Willis  in  such 
terms  as  should  be  most  fitting. 

As  the  minister's  demand  was  not  accompanied  with  any 
threat  of  coercion,  as  the  action  of  the  Government  was  decided, 
as  the  preparation  of  a  suitable  reply  would  occupy  some 
days,  and  as  the  Alamedn  was  due  in  two  days  with  probable 
news  of  the  vigorous  intervention  of  Congress  to  prevent  forci- 
ble coercion,  there  was  a  material  relaxation  of  the  tension  which 
had  been  felt  for  several  days.  The  extreme  crisis  was  past. 

The  Alameda  arrived  on  Friday  the  22d.  The  eight  days 
of  anxiety  came  to  an  end.  Congress  had  powerfully  inter- 
vened. The  Senate  had  solemnly  arraigned  the  President 
for  unconstitutional  behavior.  Messrs.  L.  A.  Thurston,  W. 
N.  Armstrong  and  H.  N.  Castle  arrived.  The  word  was 
passed  ashore  "All  is  right,"  and  swiftly  sped  up  the  streets 
at  sunrise.  Honolulu's  "  Black  Week  "  was  over. 

DOf.K's     REPLY    TO     WILLIS1     DEMAND. 


On   the   evening    of    the   23d   of    December,    the   completed 
reply  of  President  Dole  to  the  strange  demand  of  the  Ameri- 


can Minister  was  placed  in  the  hands  of  Mr.  Willis.  The 
Minister's  dispatches  were  completed  and  the  Corwin  sailed 
at  4  A.  M.  of  the  24th.  She  was  not  allowed  to  take  any 
mail,  public  or  private.  She  was  ordered  by  Mr.  Willis 
to  slow  up,  and  enter  the  bay  of  San  Francisco  at  night,  in 
order  to  enable  the  President  to  receive  this  official  commu- 
nication before  any  intimation  of  its  character  could  be 
telegraphed.  For  several  days  after  she  was  anchored  out 
in  the  bay,  and  no  communication  allowed  with  the  shore. 
Mr.  Willis'  precautions  were  successful,  and  the  American 
public  for  several  days  gained  no  knowledge  of  the  strange 
doings  at  Honolulu  until  January  9th. 
Mr.  Dole's  reply  was  as  follows  : 

DEPARTMENT  OF  FOREIGN  AFFAIRS, 

HONOLULU,  December  23d,  1893. 

Sir:  Your  excellency's  communication  of  December  19th, 
announcing  the  conclusion  which  the  President  of  the  United 
States  of  America  has  finally  arrived  at  respecting  the  appli- 
cation of  this  Government  for  a  treaty  of  political  union  with 
that  country,  and  referring  also  to  the  domestic  affairs  of 
these  islands,  has  had  the  consideration  of  the  Government. 

While  it  is  with  deep  disappointment  that  we  learn  that 
the  important  proposition  which  we  have  submitted  to  the 
Governrrient  of  the  United  States,  and  which  was  at  first 
favorably  considered  by  it,  has  at  length  been  rejected,  we 


108 


have  experienced  a  sense  of  relief  that  we  are  now  favored 
with  the  first  official  information  upon  the  subject  that  has 
been  received  through  a  period  of  over  nine  months. 

While  we  accept  the  decision  of  the  President  of  the 
United  States,  declining  further  to  consider  the  annexation 
proposition,  as  the  final  conclusion  of  the  present  adminis- 
tration, \ve  do  not  feel  inclined  to  regard  it  as  the  last  word 
of  the  American  Government  upon  this  subject,  for  the  his- 
tory of  the  mutual  relations  of  the  two  countries,  of  Ameri- 
can effort  and  influence  in  building  up  the  Christian 
civilization  which  has  so  conspicuously  aided  in  giving  this 
country  an  honorable  place  among  independent  nations,  the 
geographical  position  of  these  islands,  and  the  important 
and,  to  both  countries,  profitable  reciprocal  commercial  inter- 
ests which  have  long  existed,  together  with  our  weakness  as 
a  sovereign  nation,  all  point  with  convincing  force  to  politi- 
cal union  between  the  two  countries  as  the  necessary  logical 
result  from  the  circumstances  mentioned.  The  conviction  is 
emphasized  by  the  favorable  expression  of  American  states- 
men over  a  long  period  in  favor  of  annexation,  conspicuous 
among  whom  are  the  names  of  VV.  L.  Marcy,  William  H. 
Seward,  Hamilton  Fish,  and  James  G.  Elaine,  all  former 
Secretaries  of  State,  and  especially  so  by  the  action  of  your 
last  administration  in  negotiating  a  treaty  of  annexation 
with  this  Government  and  sending  it  to  the  Senate  with  a 
view  to  its  ratification. 

We  shall  therefore  continue  the  project  of  political  union 


with  the  United  States  as  a  conspicuous  feature  of  our 
foreign  policy,  confidently  hoping  that  sooner  or  later  it 
will  be  crowned  with  success,  to  the  lasting  benefit  of  both 
countries. 

The  additional  portion  of  your  communication  referring 
to  our  domestic  affairs  with  a  view  of  interfering  therein,  is 
a  new  departure  in  the  relations  of  the  two  governments. 
Your  information  that  the  President  of  the  United  States 
expects  this  Government  "  to  promptly  relinquish  to  her 
(meaning  the  ex-Queen)  her  constitutional  authority,"  with 
the  question  "  are  you  willing  to  abide  by  the  decision  of 
the  President?"  might  well  be  dismissed  in  a  single  word, 
but  for  the  circumstance  that  your  communication  contains, 
as  it  appears  to  me,  misstatements  and  erroneous  conclusions 
based  thereon,  that  are  so  prejudicial  to  this  Government 
that  I  can  not  permit  them  to  pass  unchallenged  ;  moreover, 
the  importance  and  menacing  character  of  this  proposition 
make  it  appropriate  for  me  to  discuss  somewhat  fully  the 
question  raised  by  it. 

We  do  not  recognize  the  right  of  the  President  of  the 
United  States  to  interfere  in  our  domestic  affairs.  Such  right 
could  be  conferred  upon  him  by  the  act  of  this  government, 
and  by  that  alone,  or  it  could  be  acquired  by  conquest. 
This  I  understand  to  be  the  American  doctrine,  conspicuously 
announced  from  time  to  time  by  the  authorities  of  your 
Government. 

President   Jackson    said    in    his    message    to    Congress   in 


109 


1836:  "The  uniform  policy  and  practice  of  the  United 
States  is  to  avoid  all  interference  in  disputes  which  merely 
relate  to  the  internal  government  of  other  nations,  and  even- 
tually to  recognize  the  authority  of  the  prevailing  party, 
without  reference  to  the  merits  of  the  original  controversy." 

This  principle  of  international  law  has  been  consistently 
recognized  during  the  whole  past  intercourse  of  the  two 
countries,  and  was  recently  reaffirmed  in  the  instructions 
given  by  Secretary  Gresham  to  Commissioner  Blount  on 
March  11,  1893,  and  by  the  latter  published  in  the  news- 
papers in  Honolulu  in  a  letter  of  his  own  to  the  Hawaiian 
public.  The  words  of  these  instructions  which  I  refer  to 
are  as  follows  :  "  The  United  States  claim  no  right  to  inter- 
fere in  the  political  or  domestic  affairs  or  in  the  internal 
conflicts  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands  other  than  as  herein  stated 
(referring  to  the  protection  of  American  citizens)  or  for  the 
purpose  of  maintaining  any  treaty  or  other  rights  which 
they  possess."  The  treaties  between  the  two  countries  confer 
no  right  of  interference. 

Upon  what,  then,  Mr.  Minister,  does  the  President  of  the 
United  States  base  his  right  of  interference?  Your  commu- 
nication is  without  information  upon  this  point,  excepting 
such  as  may  be  contained  in  the  following  brief  and  vague 
sentences:  "She  (the  ex-Queen)  was  advised  and  assured 
by  her  ministers  and  leaders  of  the  movement  for  the  over- 
throw of  her  government  that  if"  she  surrendered  under  pro- 
test her  case  would  afterward  be  fairly  considered  by  the 


President  of  the  United  States.  The  Queen  finally  yielded 
to  the  armed  forces  of  the  United  States,  then  quartered  in 
Honolulu,  relying  on  the  good  faith  and  honor  of  the  Pre- 
sident, when  informed  of  what  had  occurred,  to  undo  the 
action  of  the  minister  and  reinstate  her  and  the  authority 
which  she  claimed  as  the  constitutional  sovereign  of  the 
Hawaiian  Islands.'1  Also,  "it  becomes  my  further  duty  to 
advise  you,  sir,  the  Executive  of  the  Provisional  Govern- 
ment, and  your  ministers;  of  the  President's  determination 
of  the  question  which  your  action  and  that  of  the  Queen 
devolved  upon  him,  and  that  you  are  expected  to  promptly 
relinquish  to  her  constitutional  authority." 

I  understand  that  the  first  quotation  is  referred  to  in  the 
following  words  of  the  second,  "  which  your  action  and  that 
of  the  Queen  devolved  upon  him "  (the  President  of  the 
United  States),  and  that  the  President  has  arrived  at  his 
conclusions  from  Commissioner  Blount's  report.  We  have 
had  as  yet  no  opportunity  of  examining  this  document,  but 
from  extracts  published  in  the  papers  and  for  reasons  set 
forth  hereafter,  we  are  not  disposed  to  submit  the  fate  of 
Hawaii  to  its  statements  and  conclusions.  As  a  matter  of 
fact  no  member  of  the  executive  of  the  Provisional  Govern- 
ment has  conferred  with  the  ex-Queen,  either  verbally  or 
otherwise,  from  the  time  the  new  Government  was  pro- 
claimed till  now,  with  the  exception  of  one  or  two  notices 
which  were  sent  to  her  by  myself  in  regard  to  her  removal 
from  the  palace  and  relating  to  the  guards  which  the  Gov- 


110 


ernment  first  allowed  her  and  perhaps  others  of  a  like 
nature.  I  infer  that  a  conversation  which  Mr.  Damon,  then 
a  member  of  the  advisory  council,  is  reported  by  Mr.  Blount 
to  have  had  with  the  ex-Queen  on  January  17th,  and  which 
has  been  quoted  in  the  newspapers,  is  the  basis  of  this 
astounding  claim  of  the  President  of  the  United  States  of 
his  authority  to  adjudicate  upon  our  right  as  a  government 
to  exist. 

Mr.  Damon,  on  the  occasion  mentioned,  was  allowed  to 
accompany  the  cabinet  of  the  former  Government,  who  had 
been  in  conference  with  me  and  my  associates,  to  meet  the 
ex-Queen.  He  went  informally,  without  instructions  and 
without  authority  to  represent  the  Government  or  to  assure 
the  ex-Queen  "that  if  she  surrendered  under  protest  her  case 
would  afterwards  be  fairly  considered  by  the  President  of 
the  United  States."  Our  ultimatum  had  already  been  given 
to  the  members  of  the  ex-cabinet  who  had  been  in  confer- 
ence with  us.  What  Mr.  Damon  said  to  the  ex-Queen  he 
said  on  his  individual  responsibility  and  did  not  report  it 
to  us.  Mr.  Blount's  report  of  his  remarks  on  that  occasion 
furnish  to  the  Government  its  first  information  of  the  nature 
of  those  remarks.  Admitting  for  argument's  sake  that  the 
Government  had  authorized  such  assurances,  what  was  "her 
case "  that  was  afterwards  to  "  be  fairly  considered  by  the 
President  of  the  United  States  ?  " 

Was  it  the  question  of  her  right  to  subvert  the  Hawaiian 
constitution  and  to  proclaim  a  new  one  to  suit  herself,  or 


was  it  her  claim  to  be  restored  to  the  sovereignty,  or  was  it 
her  claim  against  the  United  States  for  the  alleged  unwar- 
rantable acts  of  Minister  Stevens,  or  was  it  all  these  in  the 
alternative;  who  can  say?  But  if  it  had  been  all  of  these, 
or  any  of  them,  it  could  not  have  been  more  clearly  and 
finally  decided  by  the  President  of  the  United  States  in 
favor  of  the  Provisional  Government  than  when  he  recog- 
nized it  without  qualification  and  received  its  accredited 
commissioners,  negotiated  a  treaty  of  annexation  with  them, 
received  its  accredited  envoy  extraordinary  and  minister 
plenipotentiary,  and  accredited  successively  two  envoys  extra- 
ordinary and  ministers  plenipotentiary  to  it ;  the  ex-Queen 
in  the  meantime  being  represented  in  Washington  by  her 
agent  who  had  full  access  to  the  Department  of  State. 

The  whole  business  of  the  Government  with  the  President 
of  the  United  States  is  set  forth  in  the  correspondence  be- 
tween the  two  governments  and  the  acts  and  statements  Of 
the  minister  of  this  Government  at  Washington  and  the 
annexation  commissioners  accredited  to  it.  If  we  have  sub- 
mitted our  right  to  exist  to  the  United  States,  the  fact  will 
appear  in  that  correspondence  and  the  acts  of  our  commis- 
sioners. Such  agreement  must 'be  shown  as  the  foundation 
of  the  right  of  your  Government  to  interfere,  for  an  arbitra- 
tor can  be  created  only  by  the  act  of  two  parties. 

The  ex-Queen  sent  her  attorney. to  Washington  to  plead 
her  claim  for  reinstatement  in  power,  or  failing  that  for  a 
money  allowance  or  damages.  This  attorney  was  refused 


111 


passage  on  the  Government  dispatch  boat,  which  was  sent 
to  San  Francisco  with  the  annexation  commissioners  and 
their  message.  The  departure  of  this  vessel  was  less  than 
two  days  after  the  new  Government  was  declared,  and  the 
refusal  was  made  promptly  upon  receiving  the  request  there- 
for either  on  the  day  the  Government  was  declared  or  on 
the  next  day.  If  an  intention  to  submit  the  question  of  the 
reinstatement  of  the  ex-Queen  had  existed,  why  should  her 
attorney  have  been  refused  passage  on  this  boat  ?  The  ex- 
Queen's  letter  to  President  Harrison  dated  January  18,  the 
day  after  the  new  Government  was  proclaimed,  makes  no 
allusion  to  any  understanding  between  her  and  the  Govern- 
ment for  arbitration.  Her  letter  is  as  follows : 

"  His  EXCELLENCY  BENJAMIN  HARRISON, 

President  of  the   United   States : 

"  MY  GREAT  AND  GOOD  FRIEND  :  It  is  with  deep  regret 
that  I  address  you  on  this  occasion.  Some  of  my  subjects 
aided  by  aliens,  have  renounced  their  loyalty  and  revolted 
against  the  constitutional  Government .  of  my  Kingdom. 
They  have  attempted  to  depose  me  and  to  establish  a  pro- 
visional government  in  direct  conflict  with  the  organic  law 
of  this  Kingdom.  Upon  receiving  incontestable  proof  that 
his  excellency  the  minister  plenipotentiary  of  the  United 
States,  aided  and  abetted  their  unlawful  movements  and 
caused  United  States  troops  to  be  landed  for  that  purpose) 


I  submitted  to  force,  believing  that  he  would  not  have  acted 
in  that  manner  unless  by  the  authority  of  the  Government 
which  he  represents. 

"This  action  on  my  part  was  prompted  by  three  reasons: 
The  futility  of  a  conflict  with  the  United  States  ;  the  desire 
to  avoid  violence,  bloodshed  and  the  destruction  of  life  and 
property,  and  the  certainty  which  I  feel  that  you  and  your 
Government  will  right  whatever  wrongs  may  have  been  in- 
flicted upon  us  in  the  premises. 

"In  due  time  a  statement  of  the  true  facts  relating  to  this 
matter  will  be  laid  before  you,  and  I  live  in  the  hope  that 
you  will  judge  uprightly  and  justly  between  myself  and  my 
enemies.  This  appeal  is  not  made  for  myself  personally,  but 
for  my  people,  who  have  hitherto  always  enjoyed  the  friend- 
ship and  protection  of  the  United  States. 

"  My  opponents  have  taken  the  only  vessel  which  could  be 
obtained  here  for  the  purpose,  and  hearing  of  their  intention 
to  send  a  delegation  of  their  number  to  present  their  side  of 
this  conflict  before  you,  I  requested  the  favor  of  sending  by 
the  same  vessel  an.  envoy  to  you,  to  lay  before  you  my 
statement,  as  the  facts  appear  to  myself  and  my  loyal  sub- 
jects. 

"This  request  has  been  refused,  and  I  now  ask  you  that 
in  justice  to  myself  and  to  my  people  that  no  steps  be 
taken  by  the  Government  of  the  United  States  until  my 
cause  can  be  heard  by  you. 

"  I  shall   be  able  to  dispatch   an   euvoy   about  the   2d  of 


112 


February,  as  that  will  be  the  first  available  opportunity 
hence,  and  he  will  reach  you  by  every  possible  haste  that 
there  may  be  no  delay  in  the  settlement  of  this  matter. 

"I  pray  you,  therefore,  my  good  friend,  that  you  will  not 
allow  any  conclusions  to  be  reached  by  you  until  my  envoy 
arrives. 

"I  beg  to  assure  you  of  the  continuance  of  my  highest 
consideration. 

"  LlLIUOKALANI   B. 

"Honolulu,  January  18,  1893." 

If  any  understanding  had  existed  at  that  time  between 
her  and  the  Government  to  submit  the  question  of  her  re- 
storation to  the  United  States,  some  reference  to  such  an 
understanding  would  naturally  have  appeared  in  this  letter, 
as  every  reason  would  have  existed  for  calling  the  attention 
of  the  President  to  that  fact,  especially  as  she  then  knew 
that  her  attorney  would  be  seriously  delayed  in  reaching 
Washington.  But  there  is  not  a  word  from  which  such  an 
understanding  can  be  predicated.  The  Government  sent  its 
commissioners  to  Washington  for  the  sole  object  of  procuring 
the  confirmation  of  the  recognition  by  Minister  Stevens  of 
the  new  Government  and  to  enter  into  negotiations  for  poli- 
tical union  with  the  United  States.  The  protest  of  the  ex- 
Queen,  made  on  January  17,  is  equally  with  the  letter 
devoid  of  evidence  of  any  mutual  understanding  for  a  sub- 
mission of  her  claim  to  the  throne  to  the  United  States.  It 


is  evidently  a  protest  against  the  alleged  action  of  .Minister 
Stevens  as  well  as  the  new  Government,  and  contains  a. 
notice  of  her  appeal  to  the  United  States. 

The  document  was  received  exactly  as  it  would  have  been 
received  if  it  had  come  through  the  mail.  The  indorsement 
of  it?  receipt  upon  the  paper  was  made  at  the  request  of 
the  individual  who  brought  it  as  evidence  of  its  safe  de- 
livery. As  to  the  ex-Queen's  notice  of  her  appeal  to  the 
United  States,  it  was  a  matter  of  indifference  to  us.  Such 
an  appeal  could  not  have  been  prevented,  as  the  mail  service 
was  in  operation  as  usual.  That  such  a  notice,  and  our  re- 
ceipt of  it  without  comment,  should  be  made  a  foundation  of  a 
claim  that  we  had  submitted  our  right  to  exist  as  a  govern- 
ment to  the  United  States  had  never  occurred  to  us  until  sug- 
gested to  us  by  your  Government.  The  protest  is  as  follows : 

"I,  Liliuokalani,  by  the  grace  of  God  and  under  the  con- 
stitution of  the  Hawaiian  Kingdom,  Queen,  do  hereby 
solemnly  protest  against  any  and  all  acts  done  against  my- 
self and  the  constitutional  Government  of  the  Hawaiian 
Kingdom  by  certain  persons  claiming  to  have  established  a 
provisional  government  of  and  for  this  Kingdom. 

"That  I  yield  to  the  superior  force  of  the  United  States 
of  America,  whose  minister  plenipotentiary,  his  excellency 
John  L.  Stevens,  has  caused  United  States  troops  to  be 
landed  at  Honolulu,  and  declared  that  be  would  support  the 
said  provisional  government. 


118 


"  Now,  to  avoid  any  collision  of  armed  forces,  and  perhaps 
the  loss  of  life,  I  do,  under  this  protest,  and  impelled  by 
said  force,  yield  my  authority  until  such  time  as  the  Gov- 
ernment of  the  United  States  shall,  upon  the  facts  being 
presented  to  it,  undo  the  action  of  its  representative  and  re- 
instate me  in  the  authority  which  I  claim  as  the  constitu- 
tional sovereign  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands. 

''Done  at  Honolulu  the  17th  day  of  January,  A.  D.  1893. 

"  LlLIUOKALANI,    R. 

"  SAMUEL  PARKER, 

"  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs. 
"WILLIAM  H.  CORNWELL, 
"Minister  of  Finance. 
"JOHN  F.  COLBURN, 

"Minister  of  the  Interior. 
"A.  P.  PETERSON, 

"  Attorney- General. 
"S.  B.  DOLE,  ESQ.,  and  others, 

"  Composing   the  Provisional  Government  of  the  Hawaiian 
Government." 

(Indorsed  :)  "  Received  by  the  hands  of  the  late  cabinet 
this  17th  day  of  January,  A.  D.  1893.  Sanford  B.  Dole, 
chairman  of  executive  council  of  Provisional  Government." 

You  may  not  be  aware,  but  such  is  the  fact,  that  at  no 
time  until  the  presentation  of  the  claim  of  the  President  of 
the  United  States  of  his  right  to  interfere  in  the  internal 


affairs  of  this  country,  by  you  on  December  19th,  has  this 
Government  been  officially  informed  by  the  United  Stati-s 
Government  that  any  such  course  was  contemplated.  And 
not  until  the  publication  of  Mr.  Gresham's  letter  to  the 
President  of  the  United  States  on  the  Hawaiian  question 
had  we  any  reliable  intimation  of  such  a  policy.  The 
adherents  of  the  ex-Queen  have  indeed  claimed  from  time 
to  time  that  such  was  the  case,  but  we  have  never  been 
able  to  attach  serious  importance  to  their  rumors  to  that 
effect,  feeling  secure  in  our  perfect  diplomatic  relations  with 
your  country  and  relying  upon  the  friendship  and  fairness 
of  a  government  whose  dealings  with  us  had  ever  sli<nv.i 
full  recognition  of  our  independence  as  a  sovereign  power, 
without  any  tendency  to  take  advantage  of  the  disparity  of 
Strength  between  the  two  countries. 

If  your  contention  that  President  Cleveland  believes  that 
this  Government  and  the  ex-Queen  have  submitted  their 
respective  claims  to  the  sovereignty  of  this  country  to  the 
adjudication  of  the  United  States  is  correct,  then,  may  I 
ask,  when  and  where  N.'s  the  President  held  his  couit  of 
arbitration  ?  This  Governxent  has  had  no  notice  of  the 
sitting  of  such  a  tribunal  and  no  opportunity  of  presenting 
evidence  of  its  claims.  If  Mr.  Blount's  investigation  were 
a  part  of  the  proceedings  of  such  a  court,  this  Government 
did  not  know  it  and  was  never  informed  of  it ;  indeed,  as 
I  have  mentioned  above,  we  never  knew  until  the  publica- 
tion of  Secretary  Gresharn's  letter  to  President  Cleveland  a 


114 


of  forts,  King 


few  weeks  ago,  that  the  American  Executive  had  a  policy 
of  interference  under  contemplation.  Even  if  we  had  known 
that  Mr.  Blount  was  authoritatively  acting  as  a  commis- 
sioner to  take  evidence  upon  the  question  of  restoration  of 
the  ex-Queen,  the  methods  adopted  by  him  in  making  his 
investigations,  were,  I  submit,  unsuitable  to  such  an  exami- 
nation or  any  examination  upon  which  human  interests 
were  to  be  adjudicated. 

As  I  am  reliably  informed,  he  selected  his  witnesses  and 
examined  them  in  secret,  freely  using  leading  questions,  giv- 
ing no  opportunity  for  a  cross-examination,  and  often  not 
permitting  such  explanations  by  witnesses  themselves  as 
they  desired  to  make  of  evidence  which  he  had  drawn  from 
them.  It  is  hardly  necessary  for  me  to  suggest  that  under 
such  a  mode  of  examination  some  witnesses  would  be  almost 
helpless  in  the  hands  of  an  astute  lawer,  and  might  be  drawn 
into  saying  things  which  would  be  only  half-truths,  and 
standing  alone  would  be  misleading  or  even  false  in  effect. 
Is  it  likely  that  an  investigation  conducted  in  this  manner 
could  result  in  a  fair,  full,  and  truthful  statement  of  the 
case  in  point?  Surely  the  destinies  of  a  friendly  Govern- 
ment, admitting  by  way  of  argument  that  the  right  of  arbi- 
tration exists,  may  not  be  disposed  of  upon  an  ex  parte  and 
secret  investigation  made  without  the  knowledge  of  such 
Government  or  an  opportunity  by  it  to  be  heard  or  even  to 
know  who  the  witnesses  were. 

Mr.  Blount  came  here  as  a  stranger  and   at  once  entered 


upon  his  duties.  He  devoted  himself  to  the  work  of  collect- 
ing information,  both  by  the  examination  of  witnesses  and 
the  collection  of  statistics  and  other  documentary  matter, 
with  great  energy  and  industry,  giving  up,  substantially, 
his  whole  time  to  its  prosecution.  He  was  here  but  a  few 
months,  and  during  that  time  was  so  occupied  with  this 
work  that  he  had  little  opportunity  left  for  receiving  those 
impressions  of  the  state  of  affairs  which  could  best  have 
come  to  him,  incidentally,  through  a  wide  social  intercourse 
with  the  people  of  the  country  and  a  personal  acquaintance 
with  its  various  communities  and  educational  and  industrial 
enterprises.  He  saw  the  country  from  his  cottage  in  the 
center  of  Honolulu  mainly  through  the  eyes  of  the  witnesses 
whom  he  examined.  Under  these  circumstances  is  it  pro- 
bable that  the  most  earnest  of  men  would  be  able  to  form 
a  statement  that  could  safely  be  replied  upon  as  the  basis 
of  a  decision  upon  the  question  of  the  standing  of  a  govern- 
ment ? 

•  In  view,  therefore,  of  all  the  facts  in  relation  to  the  ques- 
tion of  the  President's  authority  to  interfere  and  concerning 
which  the  members  of  the  executive  were  actors  and  eye- 
witnesses, I  am  able  to  assure  your  excellency  that  by  no 
action  of  this  Government,  on  the  17th  day  of  January  last, 
or  since  that  time,  has  the  authority  devolved  upon  the 
President  of  the  United  States  to  interfere  in  the  internal 
affairs  of  this  country  through  any  conscious  act  or  expres- 
sion of  this  Government  with  such  an  intention. 


115 


You  state  in  your  communication — 

"  After  a  patient  examination  of  Mr.  Blount's  reports  the 
President  is  satisfied  that  the  movement  against  the  Queen 
if  not  instigated  was  encouraged  and  supported  by  the  repre- 
sentative of  this  Government  at  Honolulu  ;  that  he  promised 
in  advance  to  aid  her  enemies  in  an  effort  to  overthrow  the 
Hawaiian  Government  and  set  up  by  force  a  new  govern- 
ment in  its  place ;  that  he  kept  his  promise  by  causing  a 
detachment  of  troops  to  be  landed  from  the  Boston  on  the 
16th  of  January,  1893,  and  by  recognizing  the  Provisional 
Government  the  next  day  when  it  was  too  feeble  to  defend 
itself  and  the  Constitutional  Government  was  able  to  success- 
fully maintain  its  ;uithority  against  any  threatening  force 
other  than  that  of  e  United  States  already  landed." 

Without  entering  into  a  discussion  of  the  facts  I  beg  to 
state  in  reply  that  I  am  unable  to  judge  of  the  correctness 
of  Mr.  Blount's  report  from  which  the  President's  conclu- 
sions were  drawn,  as  I  have  had  no  opportunity  of  examin- 
ing such  Teport.  But  I  desire  to  specifically  and  empha- 
tically deny  the  correctness  of  each  and  every  one  of  the 
allegations  of  fact  contained  in  the  above-quoted  statement ; 
yet,  as  the  President  has  arrived  at  a  positive  opinion  in  his 
own  mind  in  the  matter,  I  will  refer  to  it  from  his  stand- 
point. 

My  position,  is  briefly,  this :  If  the  American  forces  illeg- 
ally assisted  the  revolutionists  in  the  establishment  of  the 
Provisional  Government  that  Government  is  not  responsible 


for  their  wrong-doing.  It  was  purely  a  private  matter  for 
discipline  between  the  United  States  Government  and  its 
own  officers.  There  is,  I  submit,  no  precedent  in  interna- 
tional law  for  the  theory  that  such  action  of  the  American 
troops  has  conferred  upon  the  United  States  authority  over 
the  internal  affairs  of  this  Government.  Should  it  be  true, 
as  you  have  suggested,  that  the  American  Government  made 
itself  responsible  to  the  Queen,  who,  it  is  alleged  lost  her 
throne  through  such  action,  that  is  not  a  matter  for  me  to 
discuss,  except  to  submit  that  if  such  be  the  case,  it  is  a 
matter  for  the  American  Government  and  her  to  settle  be- 
tween them.  This  Government,  a  recognized  sovereign  power, 
equal  in  authority  with  the  United  States  Government  and 
enjoying  diplomatic  relations  with  it,  can  not  be  destroyed 
by  it  for  the  sake  of  discharging  its  obligations  to  the 
ex-Queen. 

Upon  these  grounds,  Mr.  Minister,  in  behalf  of  my  Gov- 
ernment I  respectfully  protest  against  the  usurpation  of  its 
authority  as  suggested  by  the  language  of  your  communi- 
cation. 

It  is  difficult  for  a  stranger  like  yourself,  and  much  more 
for  the  President  of  the  United  States,  with  his  pressing 
responsibilities,  his  crowding  cares  and  his  want  of  fami- 
liarity with  the  condition  and  history  of  this  country  and 
the  inner  life  of  its  people,  to  obtain  a  clear  insight  into 
the  real  state  of  affairs  and  to  understand  the  social  cur- 
rents, the  race  feelings  and  the  customs  and  traditions  which 


116 


all  contribute  to  the  political  outlook.  We,  who  have  grown 
up  here  or  who  have  adopted  this  country  as  our  home,  are 
conscious  of  the  difficulty  of  maintaining  a  stable  govern- 
ment here.  A  community  which  is  made  up  of  five  races, 
of  which  the  larger  part  but  dimly  appreciate  the  signifi- 
cance and  value  of  representative  institutions,  offers  political 
problems  which  may  well  tax  the  wisdom  of  the  most  experi- 
enced stateman. 

For  long  years  a  large  and  influential  part  of  this  com- 
munity, including  many  foreigners  and  native  Hawaiians, 
have  observed  with  deep  regret  the  retrogressive  tendencies 
of  the  Hawaiian  monarchy,  and  have  honorably  striven  against 
them,  and  have  sought  through  legislative  work,  the  news- 
papers, and  by  personal  appeal  and  individual  influence  to 
support  and  emphasize  the  representative  features  of  the 
monarchy  and  to  create  a  public  sentiment  favorable  thereto, 
and  thereby  to  avert  the  catastrophe  that  seemed  inevitable 
if  such  tendencies  were  not  restrained.  These  efforts  have 
been  met  by  the  last  two  sovereigns  in  a  spirit  of  aggressive 
hostility.  The  struggle  became  at  length  a  well-defined  issue 
between  royal  prerogative  and  the  right  of  representative 
government,  and  most  bitterly  and  unscrupulously  has  it 
been  carried  on  in  the  interests  of  the  former.  The  King's 
privilege  of  importing  goods  for  his  own  use  without  paying 
the  duties  thereon  was  abused  to  the  extent  of  admitting 
large  quantities  of  liquors,  with  which  to  debauch  the  elec- 
torate. He  promoted  the  election  of  Government  officers, 


both  executive  and  judicial,  to  the  legislative  assembly,  and 
freely  appointed  to  office  elected  members  thereof. 

In  the  legislature  of  1886,  of  which  I  was  a  member,  the 
party  supporting  the  Government  was  largely  in  the  majo- 
rity, and  nearly  every  member  of  that  majority  held  some 
appointment  from  the  Government,  and  some  of  them  as 
many  as  two  or  three,  thereby  effectually  placing  the  legisla- 
tive branch  of  the  Government  under  the  personal  and  abso- 
lute control  of  the  King.  The  constitutional  encroachments, 
lawless  extravagance,  and  scandalous  and  open  sales  of  pa- 
tronage and  privilege  to  the  highest  bidder  by  Kalakaua 
brought  in  at  length  the  revolution  of  1887,  which  had  the 
full  sympathy  and  moral  support  of  all  the  diplomatic  repre- 
sentatives in  Honolulu,  including  Minister  Merrill,  who  was 
at  that  time  President  Cleveland's  minister  here. 

This  revolution  was  not  an  annexation  movement  in  any 
sense,  but  tended  toward  an  independent  republic,  but,  when 
it  had  the  monarchy  in  its  power,  conservative  counsels  pre- 
vailed, and  a  new  lease  of  life  was  allowed  that  -institution 
on  the  condition  of  royal  fidelity  to  the  new  constitution, 
which  was  then  promulgated  and  which  greatly  curtailed  the 
powers  of  the  sovereign.  Kalakaua  was  not  faithful  to 
this  compact,  and  sought  as  far  as  possible  to  evade  its  sti- 
pulations. The  insurrection  of  1889  was  connived  at  by  him, 
and  the  household  guards  under  his  control  were  not  allowed 
to  take  part  in  suppressing  it.  The  Princess  Liliuokalaiii 
waa  in  full  sympathy  with  this  movement,  being  a  party  to 


lit 


it,  and  furnished  her  suburban  residence  to  the  insurgents 
for  their  meetings.  The  arrangements  were  there  made,  and 
the  insurgents  marched  thence  for  their  attack  upon  the 
Government.  The  affair  was  suppressed  in  a  few  hours  of 
fighting,  with  some  loss  of  life  to  the  insurgents,  by  the 
party  which  carried  through  the  revolution  of  1887. 

The  ex-Queen's  rule  was  even  more  reckless  and  retrogres- 
sive than  her  brother's.  Less  politic  than  he,  and  with  less 
knowledge  of  affairs,  she  had  more  determination  and  was 
equally  unreliable  and  deficient  in  moral  principle.  She,  to 
all  appearance,  unhesitatingly  took  the  oath  of  office  to 
govern  according  to  the  constitution,  and  evidently  regarding 
it  merely  as  a  formal  ceremony  began,  according  to  her 
own  testimony  to  Mr.  Blount,  to  lay  her  plans  to  destroy 
the  constitution  and  replace  it  with  one  of  her  own  creation. 
With  a  like  disregard  of  its  sanctions,  she  made  the  most 
determined  efforts  to  control  all  of  the  appointments  to 
office,  both  executive  and  judicial.  The  session  of  the  legis- 
lature of  18^2  was  the  longest  that  had  ever  occurred  in  our 
history,  and  was  characterized  by  a  most  obstinate  struggle 
for  person'al  control  of  the  Government  and  the  legislature 
on  the  part  of  the  Queen.  This  was  strenuously  resisted  by 
the  opposition. 

During  this  contest  four  ministerial  cabinets  were  appoint- 
ed and  unseated,  and  the  lottery-franchise  bill,  which  had 
been  withdrawn  early  in  the  session  for  want  of  sufficient 
support,  was  at  the  last  moment,  when  the  opposition  was 


weakened  by  the  absence  of  feveral  of  its  members,  again 
brought  forward  and  passed  thifough  the  exercise  of  improper 
and  illegitimate  influences  upon  the  legislators,  among  which 
were  personal  appeals  on  the  part  of  the  Queen  to  them.  The 
cabinet  which  represented  the  opposition  and  the  majority 
of  the  legislature  which  the  Queen  had  been  compelled  to 
appoint  was  unseated  by  similar  means,  and  with  a  new 
cabinet  of  her  own  choice  the  legislature  was  prorogued. 
This  lottery  franchise  was  of  a  character  corresponding  with 
similar  institutions  which  have  been  driven  out  of  every 
State  of  the  American  Union  by  an  indignant  public  senti- 
ment. If  it  had  been  established  here  it  would  in  a  brief 
period  have  obtained  full  control  of  the  Government  patron- 
age and  corrupted  the  social  and  political  life  of  the  people. 

Although  the  situation  at  the  close  of  the  session  was 
deeply  discouraging  to  the  com  in  unity,  it  was  accepted 
without  any  intention  of  meeting  it  by  other  than  legal  means. 
The  attempted  coup  d'etat  of  the  Queen  followed,  and  her 
ministers,  threatened  with  violence,  fled  to  the  citizens  for 
assistance  and  protection ;  then  it  was  that  the  uprising 
against  the  Queen  took  place,  and  gathering  force  from  day 
to  day,  resulted  in  the  proclamation  of  the  Provisional  Gov- 
ernment and  the  abrogation  of  the  monarchy  on  the  third 
day  thereafter. 

No  man  can  correctly  say  that  the  Queen  owed  her  down- 
fall to  the  interference  of  American  forces.  The  revolution 
was  carried  through  by  the  representatives,  now  largely 


118 


reinforced,  of  the  same  public  sentiment  which  forced  the 
monarchy  to  its  knees  in  1887,  which  suppressed  the  insur- 
rection of  1889,  and  which  for  twenty  years  has  been  bat- 
tling for  representative  government  in  this  country.  If  the 
American  forces  had  been  absent  the  revolution  would  have 
taken  place,  for  the  sufficient  causes  for  it  had  nothing  to 
do  with  their  presence. 

I,  therefore,  in  all  friendship  of  the  Government  of  the 
United  States,  which  you  represent,  and  desiring  to  cherish 
the  good  will  of  the  American  people,  submit  the  answer  of 
my  Government  to  your  proposition,  and  ask  that  you  will 
transmit  the  same  to  the  President  of  the  United  States  for 
his  consideration. 

Though  the  Provisional  Government  is  far  from  being 
"a  great  power"  and  could  not  long  resist  the  forces  of  the 
United  States  in  a  hostile  attack,  we  deem  our  position  to 
be  impregnable  under  all  legal  precedents,  under  the  princi- 
ples of  diplomatic  intercourse,  and  in  the  forum  of  conscience. 
We  have  done  your  Government  no  wrong ;  no  charge  of 
discourtesy  is  or  can  be  brought  against  us.  Our  only  issue 
with  your  people  has  been  that,  because  we  revered  its  in- 
stitutions of  civil  liberty,  we  have  desired  to  have  them  ex- 
tended to  our  own  distracted  country,  and  because  we  honor 
its  flag  and  deeming  that  its  beneficent  -and  authoritative 
presence  would  be  for  the  best  interests  of  all  of  our  people, 
we  have  stood  ready  to  add  our  country,  a  new  star,  to  its 
glory,  and  to  consummate  a  union  which  we  believed  would 


be  as  much  for  the  benefit  of  your  country  as  ours.    If  this 
is  an  offense,  we  plead  guilty  to  it. 

I  am  instructed  to  inform  you,  Mr.  Minister,  that  the 
Provisional  Government  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands  respectfully 
and  unhesitatingly  declines  to  entertain  the  proposition  of 
the  President  of  the  United  States  that  it  should  surrender 
its  authority  to  the  ex-Queen. 

This  answer  is  made  not  only  upon  the  grounds  herein- 
before set  forth,  but  upon  our  sense  of  duty  and  loyalty  to 
the  brave  men  whose  commissions  we  hold,  who  have  faith- 
fully stood  by  us  in  the  hour  of  trial,  and  whose  will  is  the 
only  earthly  authority  we  recognize.  We  can  not  betray 
the  sacred  trust  they  have  placed  in  our  hands,  a  trust 
which  represents  the  cause  of  Christian  civilization  in  the 
interests  of  the  whole  people  of  these  islands. 

With  assurances  of  the  highest  consideration, 
I  have,  etc., 

SANFORD  B.  DOLE, 
Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs. 

His  Excellency  ALBERT  S.  WILLIS, 

U.  S.  Envoy  Extraordinary  and   Minister  Plenipotentiary. 

THE    PRESIDENT     SUSPENDS    FARTHER    ACTION. 

On  the  12th  of  January,  Secretary  Gresham  instructed 
Mr.  Willis  that  "you  will  until  farther  notice  consider  that 
your  special  instructions  have  been  fully  complied  with." 


119 


On  the  27th  of  December,  the  Arawa  from  Vancouver 
brought  to  Honolulu  the  special  message  of  the  President  of 
the. 5th,  and  there  for  the  first  time  was  it  learned  that  Mr. 
Willis'  strange  delay  to  act  had  been  caused  by  the  ex- 
Queen's  refusal  of  amnesty.  The  knowledge  of  her  desire  to 
"  behead  "  did  not  arrive  until  a  month  later,  when  it  elicited 
many  denunciations  of  her  as  a  "Dyak  head-hunter"  and 
the  like.  It  is  harder  to  define  the  mental  attitude  of  Presi- 
dent Cleveland,  when  he  persisted  in  his  effort  to  reinstate 
such  a  monarch  after  her  mental  condition  had  thus  been 
laid  open  to  him. 

Under  date  of  January  2d,  1894,  Admiral  Irwin  wrote  to 
the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  that  "  Mr.  Willis  has  never  given 
me  the  slightest  hint  that  there  was  ever  any  intention  on 
the  part  of  the  United  States  Government  to  use  foree  in 
order  to  restore  the  Queen.  My  own  orders  to  preserve  strict 
neutrality  have  been  implicitly  obeyed." 

ME.     DOLE'S    LETTER    OP    SPECIFICATION. 

Growing  out  of  the  events  above  recorded,  there  ensued  a 
correspondence  continued  for  several  weeks  between  Presi- 
dent Dole  and  Minister  Willis.  The  nature  of  that  corres- 
pondence is  fully  stated  in  the  appended  letter  of  Mr.  Dole 
of  January  llth,  1894,  known  as  his  "Letter  of  Specifica- 
tions." It  is  of  great  historical  importance,  embracing  a 
review  of  the  whole  course  of  action  of  Messrs.  Cleveland, 


Gresham,  Blount,   and  Willis   towards  the   Provisional   Gov- 
ernment of  Hawaii.     It  is  as  follows : 

DEPARTMENT  OF  FOREIGN  AFFAIRS, 
HONOLULU,  H.  I.,  Jan.  llth,  1894. 

To  His  Excellency   ALBERT  S.  WILLIS,   United  States  Envoy 
Extraordinary    and    Minister    Plenipotentiary,    Honolulu. 

Sir :  I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your 
communication  dated  January  1st,  instant,  in  which  you 
refer  to  my  communication  to  you  dated  December  27th  as 
"containing  statements  which  I  am  fully  prepared  to  show 
are  not  warranted  by  the  facts,  seriously  affecting  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States  and  the  representatives  of  the 
United  States  in  this  country ;  and  that  these  charges  and 
statements,  if  accepted  as  the  official  views  of  your  Govern- 
ment, demanded  prompt  answer  and  equally  prompt  action 
on  the  part  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  to  the 
end  that  the  condition  of  affairs  therein  described  should  be 
removed  by  the  removal  of  the  alleged  causes." 

You  also  refer  to  the  intervening  correspondence  between 
us,  stating  that  my  above-mentioned  communication  "brings 
for  the  first  time  the  official  information  that  the  warlike 
preparations  described  by  you  were  caused  by  and  intended 
for  the  diplomatic  and  military  representatives  of  the  United 
States." 


120 


HONOLULU  POSTAL  SERVICE. 


You  further  state  that,  believing  that  upon  further  con- 
sideration I  would  realize  the  great  injustice  of  my  state- 
ments, you,  on  the  29th  ult.,  wrote  suggesting  the  with- 
drawal of  my  communication  of  the  27th  ult.,  and  your 
reply,  and  that  no  copies  be  given  to  the  public  or  made  a 
record  of  by  either  Government ;  and  on  the  31st  stated  to 
Mr.  Damon  that  your  note  to  me  was  "prompted  by.  no 
improper  or  unfriendly  spirit,  but  was  intended  to  continue 
the  amicable  relations  heretofore  existing." 

You  further  state  that  in  my  letter  of  December  29th,  there 
is  no  "withdrawal  or  modification  of  the  statements  com- 
plained of,  but  on  the  contrary,  an  expression  of  readiness, 
implying  ability,  to  furnish  the  specifications  requested." 

You  also  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  my  note  to  you,  dated 
January  1st,  stating  that  it  was  not  my  intention  to  with- 
draw any  of  my  letters,  'which  note  you  state  is  unsigned 
by  me.  The  omission  of  the  signature  was  unintentional. 

You  conclude  by  stating  that  "I  have  now  to  ask  that 
you  furnish  me  at  your  earliest  convenience  with  the  desired 
specifications,  as  I  wish  to  make  immediate  answer." 

I  will  comply  with  your  request.  Before  doing  so,  how- 
ever, I  desire  to  say,  in  reply  to  your  communication  of  the 
1st  inst.,  that  I  have  made  no  "  charges "  against  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States  or  its  representatives.  On  the 
contrary,  in  order  that  there  might  be  no  misapprehension 
concerning  the  matter,  I  specifically  stated  in  my  communi- 
cation to  you  of  the  27th  ultimo,  "  that  I  do  not  claim  or 


intimate  that  this  unfortunate  situation  has  been  intention- 
ally created  by  you  or  by  the  Government  which  you  repre- 
sent." I  still  disclaim  any  intention  of  charging  you  or 
your  Government  with  intent  to  produce  the  results  and 
conditions  described  in  my  communication  of  December  27th. 

The  object  of  my  communication  to  you  was  to  formally 
bring  to  your  attention  certain  facts  and  conditions  existing 
in  this  country,  what,  in  my  opinion,  were  the  causes  of  the 
same,  and  to  obtain  from  you  such  information  and  assur- 
ances as  would  tend  to  allay  the  prevailing  excitement  and 
apprehension. 

Concerning  your  statement  above  referred  to,  that  my 
communication  of  December  27th  contains  statements  which 
you  are  fully  prepared  to  show  are  not  warranted  by  the 
facts,  I  would  say  that  it  would  give  me  great  pleasure  to 
become  convinced  that  the  alleged  conditions  and  facts  re- 
ferred to  by  me  did  not  in  truth  exist.  The  matters  herein- 
after stated  constitute  in  part  the  basis  for  my  belief  in  the 
existence  of  the  conditions  referred  to,  and  the  causes  pro- 
ducing the  same ;  but  I  shall  be  glad  to  receive  from  you 
any  evidence  tending  to  remove  from  my  mind  the  belief 
that  they  or  any  of  them  did  exist,  and  assure  you  that 
upon  becoming  convinced  that 'I  am  under  misapprehension 
concerning  any  of  such  alleged  facts,  the  allegations  con- 
cerning the  same  will  be  immediately  withdrawn. 

Concerning  your  statement  that  my  letter  of  December 
29th  contains  "no  withdrawal  or  modifications  of  the  etate- 


121 


ments  complained  of,"  you  will  pardon  me  if  I  say  that  I 
was  not  aware  that  any  complaint  had  been  made  concern- 
ing any  statement  made  by  me,  your  reply  having  been 
primarily  directed  to  eliciting  more  specific  information 
concerning  certain  points. 

Referring  to  the  suggestion  contained  in  your  note  of  the 
29th,  and  your  interview  with  Mr.  Damon,  that  I  withdraw 
my  communication  of  December  27th,  I  would  say  that  to 
do  so  would  have  been  in  the  nature  of  an  admission  that 
the  statements  therein  contained  were  incorrect,  which  unfor- 
tunately in  the  absence  of  the  information  which  you  say 
you  are  prepared  to  present,  and  with  certain  other  evidence 
before  me,  it  was  impossible  for  me  to  do. 

Allow  me  to  assure  you  that  it  is  with  deep  gratification 
that  I  received  your  assurance  that  your  communication  to 
me  of  the  29th  of  December  was  prompted  by  no  improper 
motive  or  unfriendly  spirit,  but  was  intended  to  continue  the 
amicable  relations  heretofore  existing  and  to  further  assure 
you  that  this  and  all  other  communications  from  this  Gov- 
ernment are  written  in  the  same  spirit,  and  I  trust  that  no 
statement  presenting  the  claims  and  views  of  this  Govern- 
ment concerning  any  matter  of  law  or  fact,  may,  by  reason 
of  its  directness  and  distinctness  be  construed  as  otherwise 
than  of  a  similar  character. 

In  compliance  with  your  request  for  certain  specifications 
concerning  ray  letter  of  December  27th,  I  reply  thereto  as 
follows : 


First.  You  inquire  as  to  the  meaning  of  the  word  "atti- 
tude" as  used  in  my  letter. 

I  reply  that  the  word  was  used  by  me  in  its  ordinarily 
accepted  sense,  meaning  the  bearing,  the  posture  as  indicat- 
ing purpose  of  those  referred  to. 

You  further  say : 

"Will  you  point  out  where  and  when  and  how  the  repre- 
sentative of  the  United  States  assumed  any  attitude  toward 
the  supporters  of  the  Provisional  Government  or  that  Gov- 
ernment itself,  other  than  one  essentially  and  designedly 
expressive  of  peace?" 

In  reply  I  would  say  that  the  attitude  of  a  person  is  to 
be  ascertained  only  by  inferences  drawn  from  the  known 
words  and  acts  of  such  person,  and  the  conditions  and  cir- 
cumstances under  which  they  take  place. 

Some  of  the  words  and  actions  of  the  United  States  and 
its  representative  in  this  connection,  arid  the  conditions  and 
circumstances  attendant  thereupon,  from  which  its  intentions 
and  attitude  toward  the  Provisional  Government  must  be  in- 
ferred, are  as  follows : 

1.  A  treaty  of  annexation  had  been  negotiated  between 
the  Provisional  Government  and  the  United  States  Govern- 
ment and  presented  to  the  Senate  for  ratification.  This 
treaty  was  withdrawn  by  President  Cleveland  immediately 
upon  his  entering  office  without  prior  notice  to  this  Govern- 
ment or  its  representatives  of  his  intention  so  to  do,  or  of 
his  reasons  for  such  action. 


122 


2.  Immediately  thereafter  the   President    appointed   Hon. 
James  H.  Blount  a  special  commissioner  to  Hawaii  to  inves- 
tigate the  condition  of  affairs  at  Hawaii. 

The  knowledge  of  such  appointment  was  withheld  from 
the  representatives  of  the  Government  at  Washington.  The 
press  having  announced  the  appointment,  the  Hawaiian  re- 
presentatives applied  to  the  State  department  for  information 
concerning  the  same.  The  Secretary  of  State  refused  to  state 
the  objects  of  the  mission  or  even  to  admit  that  a  commis- 
sioner had  been  appointed. 

3.  On  the  19th  day  of  June,  1893,  Mr.  Thurston,  Hawai- 
ian  Minister  at   Washington,    addressed  a  communication  to 
Mr.    Gresham,    Secretary    of    State,    in    which    the   following 
language  is  used,  viz.: 

"I  am  directed  by  my  Government  to  represent  to  you 
that,  while  the  Hawaiian  Government  has  full  confidence  in 
the  good  faith  of  the  United  States  towards  Hawaii  in  and 
concerning  its  treatment  of  the  relations  between  the  two 
countries,  it  seems  proper  that  it  should  be  informed  as  to 
the  effect  the  present  uncertainty  as  to  the  ultimate  course 
to  be  pursued  has  upon  the  situation  in  Hawaii. 

"The  long  continued  delay  and  uncertainty  keeps  the  en- 
tire community  in  a  feverish  state  of  mind,  by  reason  of 
which  business  is  seriously  affected,  capital  is  rendered 
timid,  thereby  hampering  all  enterprises  which  are  conduct- 
ing; their  business  on  credit  ;  the  Government's  credit  and 
ai.ility  to  borrow  is  prejudiced;  the  expenses  of  the  Govern- 


ment are  largely  increased  by  the  necessity  of  m  intaining 
a  considerable  armed  force  for  the  protection  of  public  order, 
and  the  enemies  of  the  Government  are  encouraged  to  con- 
spire against  law  and  order,  all  of  which  is  highly  prejudi- 
cial and  injurious,  not  only  to  the  Hawaiians,  but  to-  the 
very  large  amount  of  American  capital  invested  in  Hawaii, 
and  the  mutual  trade  now  being  conducted  between  the  two 
countries. 

''It  is  important  for  the  Hawaiian  Government  to  know 
the  intentions  of  the  United  States  Government  concerning 
annexation  at  as  early  a  date  as  possible ;  as,  if  annexation 
is  not  to  take  place,  the  methods  of  treating  local  conditions 
in  Hawaii  must  be  radically  different  from  those  to  be  pur- 
sued if  annexation  is  to  take  place. 

"  It  is  also  important  that,  whatever  the  intentions  of  the 
United  States  Government  may  be,  concerning  the  subject 
matter,  the  Hawaiian  Government  be  informed  what  such 
intentions  are  before  the  same  are  made  public,  in  order 
that  it  may  consider  the  situation  with  full  knowledge  of  all 
its  aspects,  and  decide  upon  such  course  of  action  as  may 
be  necessary  to  preserve  order  and  protect  the  interests  of 
the  people  of  Hawaii. 

"  For  the  reasons  above  stated  I  respectfully  request  that 
a  decision  may  be  arrived  at  and  communicated  as  speedily 
as  is  consistent  with  the  interests  of  the  United  States." 

No  reply  has  ever  been    made  to  such  communication. 

4.     Upon  the  arrival  of  Mr.  Blount  in  the  country  he  did 


128 


not  communicate  or  in  any  manner  intimate  to  the  Hawai- 
ian Government  that  his  investigations  were  to  be  directed 
toward  the  right  of  existence  of  the  Government  to  whom  he 
was  accredited.  All  of  his  investigations  and  examinations 
were  private,  and  such  persons  only  were  examined  as  he  • 
chose  to  call. 

5.  An  examination  of  his  report  since  published,  shows 
that  there  are  statements  made  by  approximately  sixty  Roy- 
alist and  twenty  supporters  of  the  Provisional  Government. 

That  he  had  obtained  no  statement  from  the  four  mem- 
bers of  the  Cabinet  voted  out  three  days  before  the  revolu- 
tionary attempt  of  the  Queen,  although  he  has  obtained 
exhaustive  statements  from  their  Royalist  successors. 

That  he  has  examined  only  two  of  the  thirteen  members 
of  the  Committee  of  Safety,  one  of  the  original  four  mem- 
bers of  the  Executive  Council  of  the  Provisional  Govern- 
ment, three  of  the  original  fourteen  members  of  the  Advisory 
Council,  two  of  the  eight  speakers  who  addressed  the  mass 
meeting  called  by  the  Committee  of  Safety  on  the  day  prior 
to  the  establishment  of  the  Provisional  Government,  and  but 
one  of  the  eight  field  and  staff  officers,  and  none  of  the 
seventeen  line  officers  in  command  of  the  forces  of  the  Pro- 
visional Government,  and  none  of  the  five  commissioners 
sent  to  Washington,  although  all  of  such  men  omitted  to  be 
examined  were  eye  witnesses  and  active  participants  in  the 
overthrow  of -the  monarchy  nnd  the  establishment  of  the 
Provisional  Government,  and  are  men  of  character  and 


standing  in  the  community,  while  a  number  of  those  exam- 
ined on  the  royalist  side  are  irresponsible  characters 

6.  Upon  the  loth  day  of  May,  1893,  Mr.  Blount,  without 
first   communicating   to   this    Government   what   his   instruc- 
tions   were  or  his  intention  so  to  do,    published    his   official 
instructions    in   a   Honolulu    newspaper   in    the   form   of  an 
address   "to  the   People  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands,"  and  con- 
cluded   with    the    following   words:    "While   I   shall   refrain 
from  interference   between   conflicting   forces,  of  whatever  na- 
tionality,   for   supremacy,    I   will   protect    American   citizens 
not  participating   in  such   conflict." 

7.  Although   Mr.   Blount's  report  is  official  in  character, 
vitally   affects   this  Government,  is  distinctly  hostile  to  it  in 
tone   and    conclusions,    no   request    to   this    Government   for 
explanation   of   the   charges   therein    made   was  received,   nor 
opportunity    to  reply  thereto,  or  notice  of  its  contents  given 
prior   to   its    publication.      The   first    information   concerning 
the  contents  of  such  report  was  obtained  by  this  Government 
through    published   extracts   in    American   papers,   dated    No- 
vember 20th  last,  no  official  copy  thereof  being  furnished  the 
Hawaiian  Minister  at  Washington  until  November  25th,  and 
none  received  by  this  Government  at  Honolulu  until  Decem- 
ber 22nd  last,  such  copies  having  been  furnished  only  after 
several  applications  therefor  to  the  State  department. 

8.  On  November  7,  you  having  arrived  in  Honolulu,  pre- 
sented   your    credentials    to    this    Government   as    American 
Minister,  with  the  usual  declaration!  of  friendship  and  ngard, 


184 


and  were  duly  received  and  acknowledged.  Simultaneously 
therewith,  Admiral  Skerrett  was  suddenly  and  unexpectedly 
removed,  and  Rear-Admiral  Irwin  appointed  to  the  com- 
mand of  the  American  naval  forces  in  Honolulu.  Such 
change  was  almost  universally  interpreted  by  the  press  of 
the  United  States  as  having  a  bearing  upon  the  contem- 
plated execution  of  the  announced  policy  of  the  President 
concerning  Hawaii.  The  extract  hereafter  contained,  from 
the  New  York  Herald,  is  a  sample  of  the  interpretation 
placed  thereon  by  the  press  of  your  own  country  favorable 
to  such  policy. 

I  do  not  claim  or  intimate  that  the  personnel  of  the  com- 
manding officer  of  the  United  States  forces  is  of  any  concern 
to  the  Government,  nor  suggest  that  the  interpretation  placed 
thereon  by  the  American  press  is  correct,  nor  that  your  Gov- 
ernment is  responsible  for  such  interpretation.  This  in- 
cident is  mentioned  simply  as  part  of  the  res  gestie  of  the 
case  which  this  Government  had  before  it,  and  as  one  of 
the  many  things  which  it  was  obliged  to  consider  in  draw- 
ing its  inferences  as  to  what  the  intentions  of  your  Gov- 
ernment were. 

9.  Upon  the  8th  of  November  last  the  New  York  Herald 
published  a  statement  from  its  Washington  correspondent, 
from  which  I  make  the  following  extracts : 

"A  diplomatic  bombshell  will  burst  within  the  next  few 
days  and  the  report  will  be  heard  throughout  the  entire 
world. 


"The  bomb  will  be  thrown  by  an  accredited  representa 
tive  of  the  United  States  Government,  and  he  will  hurl  it 
against  the  badly  conceived  and  worse  managed  Provisional 
Government  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands. 

''  If  Minister  Willis  and  Rear-Admiral  Irwin  arrived  in 
Honolulu  on  schedule  there  would  be  even  livelier  times  in 
the  capital  city  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands  to-day  than  there 
is  in  the  metropolis  of  the  United  States.  *  *  * 

"  Brie-fly  stated,  the  present  administration  will  do  all  in 
its  power  to  restore  the  condition  of  affairs  which  existed  in 
Hawaii  at  the  time  Minister  Stevens  *  *  *  brought 
about  the  overthrow  of  Queen  Liliuokalani.  *  *  * 

"  The  same  force,  that  of  the  United  States  Government, 
which  made  the  Provisional  Government  possible  has  sus- 
tained taem  in  power  to  this  day.  They  could  not  have 
made  the  revolution  of  which  they  were  the  head  center,  a  suc- 
cess except  for  the  support  given  them  by  the  administration 
in  Washington,  and  there  is  every  reason  to  believe  *  *  * 
that  the  Provisional  Government  would  have  gone  down 
long  ago  but  for  this  same  support.  *  *  * 

"The  fact  that  a  new  Minister  has  been  sent  to  Honolulu 
to  succeed  Minister  Stevens  and  that  Rear  Admiral  Irwin 
has  been  sent  to  relieve  Commodore  Skerrett,  has  been  ac- 
cepted in  many  instances  as  an  inkling  of  the  Administra- 
tion's policy  towards  Hawaii. 

"  This  means  that  the  Queen  will  be  restored  to  her 
throne  and  the  Provisional  Government,  representing  only  a 


125 


small  part  of  the  people  of  Hawaii,  will  soon  be  a  thing  of 
the  past." 

I  do  not  intimate  that  the  United  States  Government  is 
responsible  for  the  utterances  of  the  Herald,  but  cite  the 
above  as  one  of  several  instances  in  which  information  of 
intended  acts  on  the  part  of  your  Government  vital  to  this 
Government  has  been  denied  to  this  Government,  and  first 
been  made  known  to  it  through  the  public  press. 

10.  On  Nov.  11  the  papers  of  the  United  States  published 
a  letter  from  the  Secretary  of  State  to  the  President,  dated 
Oct.  18,  1893.  No  previous  notice  had  been  given  to  this 
Government  of  the  contents  of  such  letter  or  of  the  intention 
to  make  it  public. 

In  that  letter  the  Secretary,  referring  to  the  initiation  of 
this  Government,  says  : 

"  They  relied  on  no  military  force  of  their  own,  for  they 
had  none  worthy  of  the  name.  The  Provisional  Government 
was  established  by  the  action  of  the  American  Minister  and 
the  presence  of  the  troops  landed  from  the  Boston,  and  its 
continued  existence  is  due  to  the  belief  of  the  Hawaiians 
that  if  they  made  an  effort  to  overthrow  it  they  would  en- 
counter the  armed  forces  of  the  United  States. 

"The  earnest  appeals  to  the  American  Minister  for  mili- 
tary protection  by  the  officers  of  the  Provisional  Government 
after  it  had  been  recognized  show  the  utter  absurdity  of  the 
claim  that  it  was  established  by  a  successful  revolution  Of 
the  people  of  the  Islands. 


"These  appeals  were  a  confession  by  the  men  who  made 
them  of  their  uneasiness  and  timidity.  Courageous  men, 
conscious  of  their  strength  and  the  justice  of  their  cause. 
do  not  thus  act. 

"Should  not  the  great  wrong  done  to  a  feeble  hut  inde- 
pendent state  by  an  abuse  of  the  authority  of  the  United 
States  be  undone  by  restoring  the  legitimate  Government  ? 
Anything  short  of  that  will  not,  I  respectfully  submit,-satisfy 
the  demands  of  justice  *  *  *  Our  Government  was 
the  first  to  recognize  the  independence  of  the  Islands,  and 
it  should  be  last  to  acquire  sovereignty  over  them  by  force 
and  fraud." 

You  have  intimated  in  your  communication  dated  Decem- 
ber 2d  that  the  foregoing  letter,  "  being  a  domestic  trans- 
action, is  not  the  subject  of  diplomatic  representation,"  whirh 
statement  you  have  reiterated  in  your  communication  of 
January  1st. 

I  must  submit,  however,  that  an  official  communication 
from  the  Chief  of  the  Department  of  State  to  the  President, 
in  which  he  charges  "this  Government  and  its  officers  with 
conspiracy,  weakness,-  timidity  and  fraud,  and  recommends 
its  subversion,  which  letter  is  officially  furnished  to  and 
published  by  the  public  press,  without  any  information  con- 
cerning the  same  being  afforded  -to  this  Government,  is  not  a 
"domestic  transaction,"  and  is  pre-eminently  a  proper  subject 
for  inquiry  on  the  part  of  this  Government,  as  to  the  intentions 
of  your  Government  concerning  the  subject  matter. 


126 


11.  On  November  14th,  Mr.  Thurston,  Hawaiian  Minister 
at  Washington,  called  upon  the  Secretary  of  State  and  in- 
quired if  the  ahove  letter  was  authentic,  and  was  assured 
by  Mr.  Gresham  that  it  was. 

Mr.  Thurston  then  said : 

"I  am  not  at  liberty  at  present  to  answer  that  question. 
It  is  a  matter  concerning  which  I  will  speak  to  the  Presi- 
dent and  talk  with  you  more  fully  this  afternoon." 

In  the  afternoon  of  the  same  day  Mr.  Gresham  further 
said  to  Mr.  Thurston : 

"I  have  already  answered  your  first  question  to  the  effect 
that  the  letter  published  (Secretary  Gresham  to  the  Presi- 
dent) was  authentic  and  a  correct  statement  of  the  policy  of 
the  United  States.  AB  to  your  second  question,  as  to  whether 
force  is  to  be  used  by  the  United  States  to  restore  the  Queen, 
all  that  I  am  at  liberty  to  state  is  that  Mr.  Willis  has  no 
instructions  to  do  anything  which  will  cause  injury  to  life 
or  property  of  anyone  at  the  islands.  Further  than  this  that 
I  am  not  at  liberty  to  state  what  his  instructions  are.  You 
can  draw  your  own  inferences  from  my  statement  and  allay 
any  apprehension  which  may  have  been  caused  by  what  has 
been  published." 

Mr.  Thurston  further  said  to  Mr.  Gresham  : 

"  Your  answer  does  not  convey  the  information  which  I 
requested.  What  I  desire  is  to  obtain  information  which 
will  guide  my  Government  in  their  action.  If  they  know 
that  force  is  to  be  used  by  you  their  course  of  action  will 


necessarily  be  different  from  what  it  otherwise  would  be. 
The  definite  information  from  me  that  you  intend  to  use 
force  may  be  the  means  of  preventing  them  from  using  force 
and  causing  bloodshed." 

To  which   Mr.  Gresham  replied : 

"  Our  relations  in  the  past  have  been  pleasant  and  I  want 
them  to  continue  to  be  so  in  the  future,  and  to  be  perfectly 
courteous  to  you,  but  I  cannot  at  present  answer  you  more 
fully  than  I  have." 

12.  On  the  16th  of  last  November  there  was  published  in 
the  Honolulu  Star  an  interview  with  you,  with  the  accom- 
panying statement  that  the  proofs  had  been  revised  by  you. 
The  following  are  extracts  therefrom,  purporting  to  be  state- 
ments made  by  you : 

"You  are  authorized  to  say  from  me  that  no  change  in 
the  present  situation  will  take  place  for  several  weeks.  I 
brought  with  me  certain  instructions.  *  *  *  Shice  my 
arrival  here  contingencies  have  arisen  about  which  neither 
the  United  States  Government  nor  myself  were  aware  when 
I  left  Washington.  *  *  *  I  forwarded  my  dispatches  to 
Washington  b)1  to-day's  steamer,  and  until  I  receive  an 
answer  to  them  no  change  will  take  place  in  the  present 
situation  '  nor  will  any  be  allowed.' " 

"  What  do  you  mean  by  the  expression  '  nor  will  any  be 
allowed?'" 

"I  mean  just  this:  that  until  the  time  comes  for  me  to 
carry  out  my  instructions  the  peace  and  good  order  of  this 


127 


community    will    be    kept    undisturbed    in    the    interests    of  you  to  a   delegation   of  the   American   League,    in    which    the 

humanity.      That  any   attempt  made  by  any  person  or  per-  following  words  are  stated  to  have  been  used   by  you: 
sons    to   make   trouble   will   be   promptly   checked    and    pun-          "  I  have  my  instructions,  which  I  cannot  divulge.     *     *     * 

ished.      You  may  put  the  matter  more  plainly  and  say  that  But  this  much  I  can  say  :     That  the   policy  of    the   United 

even  if  the  Provisiorxal  Government  discharged  the  whole  of  States   is    already    formulated    regarding    these    islands,    and 

its   troops    to-day   no   lawlessness    would    be   allowed   for   one  that  nothing  which  can  be  said  or  done,  either  here  or  there, 


moment   under   the   present   situation   of  affairs." 

******* 

"  The   whole    Hawaiian  "question   is   now  in   abeyance   and 


can  avail  anything  now.  I  do  not  come  here  as  did  Mr. 
Blount.  I  come  here  as  an  executive  officer.  I  come  to  act. 
When  the  proper  time  conies  I  shall  act.  *  *  *  I  wish 


nothing   the   newspapers   can  say  or  do   will   alter  the  situa-     to  state  positively  that    any  outside  interference  will  not  be 


tion  one  iota. 


There  is  not  the- slightest  necessity      tolerated   by  the    United   States." 


for  any  one  to  stay  out  of  bed  nights  for  fear  of  any  trouble         I  am  not  aware  that  you  have  ever  disavowed  the  correct- 


of   any   kind,   for   none   will    be   permitted." 


ness  of  this  report. 


In  the    Honolulu    Bulletin  of   November  17th  last   there  is  14.     On  November  29th  last,  having  that  day   for  the  first 

published  what   purports   to   be  a  letter   signed    by   yourself,  time  received  information   through  the  Hawaiian  Minister  at 

in    which  you   state   concerning    the    above-mentioned    inter-  Washington  of   the   contents  of    Mr.   Gresham'e  letter   to  the 

view:      "The   interview   in    the    Star    was   submitted   to   me,  President   and   of   his   statements    concerning   the   same,   and 

but   I   did   not    scrutinize    it   carefully.      It   contains   several  his   refusal    to   state   whether   it   was   the    intention    of   your 

expressions    which    are    misleading,   due,    I   am   sure,   not   to  Government   to  carry  out  its   policy  by  force,  I   called   upon 


any  intention   on   the  part  of  the  writer." 


you,  in   company    with  the    Attorney-General,    stated   to   you 


There  is  no  specification  as  to  what  the  misleading  por-  the  substance  of  my  information,  and  asked  you  what  the 
tions  are,  although  you  have  since  verbally  informed  me  intentions  of  your  Government  were  in  relation  to  Mr.  Gres- 
in  substance  that  you  did  not  intend  to  use  such  words  and  ham's  recommendations.  You  replied  that  you  were  not  at 


had   no   intention    of    exercising    authority   inconsistent   with 
that  of  the  Government. 


liberty  to  tell  us,  but  would  do  so  as  soon  as  you  could. 
15.     Immediately   thereafter  I   addressed   a   communication 


13.     On   November  17th   last  the  Hawaiian  Star  published      to  you    revoking   the   general    permission    theretofore   granted 
a  statement  purporting  to  be  a  report  of  remarks  made  by     to  the  United  States  forces  to  land  for  drill,  and  a  further 

128 


communication  formally  stating  to  you  the  information  re- 
ceived by  me  concerning  said  letter  of  Mr.  Gresham  and 
asking  you  the  following  questions : 

"  I  desire  to  inquire  of  you  whether  the  published  reports 
of  such  letter  of  Secretary  Gresham  are  substantially  correct? 
If  they  are  I  feel  that  it  is  due  this  Government  that  it 
should  be  informed  of  the  intention  of  your  Government  in 
relation  to  the  suggestions  contained  in  the  said  letter  of  Mr. 
Gresham." 

On  December  2nd  you  replied  to  such  letter  stating  that, 
"as  to  the  letter  of  Mr.  Gresham,  I  have  the  honor  to  call 
your  attention  to  the  fact,  as  shown  by  you,  that  it  is  a 
communication  from  a  member  of  the  Cabinet  to  the  Pre- 
sident of  the  United  States,  and  being  a  domestic  transaction 
is  not  the  subject  of  diplomatic  representation.  Answering 
your  note  further,  I  must,  express  my  sincere  regret  that 
it  is  not  in  my  power  at  present  to  inform  you  of  the  views 
or  intentions  of  the  United  States." 

16.  On  December  4  last,  President  Cleveland  transmitted 
his  annual  message  to  Congress,  in  which  the  following  lan- 
guage was  used  concerning  Hawaii : 

Referring  to  Mr.  Blount's  report  he  said,  "Upon  the  facts 
developed  it  seemed  to  me  the  only  honorable  course  for  our 
Government  to  pursue  was  to  undo  the  wrong  that  had  been 
done  by  those  representing  us,  and  to  restore,'  as  far  as  prac- 
ticable, the  status  existing  at  the  time  of  our  forcible  inter- 
vention. With  a  view  of  accomplishing  this  result  within 


the  constitutional  limits  of  executive  power,  *  *  *  cr?» 
present  Minister  at  Honolulu  has  received  appropriate  in- 
structions to  that  end." 

17.  On  December  14th  last  the  United  States  dispatch 
boat  Conoin  arrived  in  Honolulu  from  San  Francisco,  bring- 
ing dispatches  to  yourself.  No  mail  was  allowed  to  be 
brought  by  her,  but  the  press  of  Honolulu  obtained  from 
persons  on  board  of  her  and  published  the  above  extract 
from  the  President's  message.  But  for  such  accidental  in- 
formation, no  information  concerning  the  same  would  have 
been  obtained  by  this  Government  until  the  arrival  of  the 
Alameda-  on  December  22d. 

Up  to  the  time  of  the  arrival  of  the  Corwin  the  United 
States  naval  officers  in  port  were  in  the  habit  of  coming 
ashore  in  citizen's  dress.  The  crews  received  the  usual 
liberty  on  shore  and  no  unusual  warlike  preparations  were 
visible  on  board. 

Immediately  upon  the  arrival  of  the  Corwin  the  liberty 
of  the  crews  was  stopped,  as  was  that  of  most  of  the  officers. 
Those  who  came  on  shore  were  in  service  uniform.  Rifles 
were  stacked,  cartridge  belts  were  filled  with  ball  cartridges 
and  knapsacks  packed  for  immediate  use  were  conspicuous 
on  the  decks  of  the  ships,  and  were  seen  there  by  visiting 
citizens,  who,  in  reply  to  inquiry  as  to  the  meaning  of  such 
preparations,  were  informed  by  the  officers  that  they  were 
ready  to  land  at  a  moment's  notice.  When  asked  if  the 
landing  would  be  to  protect  or  fight  UB,  the  reply  of  the 


199 


officers  of  the  Philadelphia  was  that  no  one  on   board  knew 
what   orders    would    be   received. 

18.  It  was  known  at  this  time  that  several  of  the  wives 
of  the   United  States  naval  officers  temporarily  in   Honolulu 
were    packing   up   their    baggage   preparatory   for    immediate 
removal    in   view   of   possible   hostilities. 

19.  It  was   also   known    that   you    were  in   frequent   com- 
munication   with    the    ex-Queen,   and    leading   royalists   were 
constantly    reiterating   that   you  were   going-  to    immediately 
restore   the   Queen    by   force. 

As  a  sample  of  the  innumerable  assertions  of  this  char- 
acter is  the  following,  made  by  Mr.  J.  O.  Carter,  the  ex- 
Queen's  most  trusted  councillor  and  confidant,  a  gentleman 
who  was  then  known  to  be  in  consultation  with  you  and 
the  ex-Queen,  and  who  appears  as  the  attesting  witness,  to 
the  exclusion  of  the  former  members  of  her  cabinet,  to  her 
proposition  of  amnesty  hereunder  referred  to. 

Mr.  Carter  warned  his  nephew,  Mr.  C.  L.  Carter,  a  sup- 
porter of  the  Provisional  Government,  that  restoration  was 
certain,  that  force  would  be  used  by  the  United  States  for 
that  purpose,  and  that  he  ought  to  consider  the  rights  of 
his  family  and  not  risk  his  life  in  opposing  the  inevitable. 

This  information  was  from  one  of  the  sources  from  which 
numerous  prophesies  of  future  action  on  the  part  of  the 
United  States  had  emanated,  with  almost  invariable  correct- 
ness. 

20.  It  was  the  almost  well-nigh  universal  belief  in  the 


city  that  you  were  about  to  attempt  to  land  the  naval 
forces  of  the  United  States  to  enforce  the  execution  of  the 
President's  policy. 

In  anticipation  thereof,  for  a  number  of  days,  the  wharves 
were  lined  with  crowds  of  people,  among  them  prominent 
royalists,  waiting  to  see  the  United  States  troops  land  to 
restore  the  Queen. 

21.  On  December  18th   Mr.  H.  F.  Glade,  Consul   for  Ger- 
many, called  upon  you  and  in  substance  asked  if  you  could 
not    speak    out    and    relieve    the   public    from    the    state   of 
extreme  tension  they  were  in,  which  was   becoming   unbear- 
able, to  which  you  replied  in  substance  that  you  were  aware 
of  the  conditions  and  were  making   every  effort  to  bring  the 
matter    to   a    speedy    determination,   and   would    act   within 
forty-eight   hours'. 

22.  On  December  16th,  it  being  reported  that  the  Corwin 
was,   at    an    early    date,    to    return    to    San    Francisco,   the 
Attorney-General  called  upon  you,  stating   that   there    would 
be   no   regular   mail    for    nearly  three   weeks  and  asked   per- 
mission to  forward   Hawaiian  Government  dispatches  by  her, 
which   permission    you    refused,   stating    that    your    instruc- 
tions  would    not   permit   it. 

23.  On    December    18th,    Major  Wodehouse,    the    British 
Minister,  and    Mr.  Fujii,  the  Japanese  diplomatic  representa- 
tive, both  asked  permission  to  land  troops  from  their  respec- 
tive warships   for  the  purpose  of  protecting  their   respective 
legations,  which  permission  was  granted  by  the  Government. 


180 


24.  In    view    of    the   existing    condition,    Mr.    Fujii,    the 
Japanese   diplomatic    representative,   sent   word    to  a    number 
of  prominent   American   supporters   of  the    Provisional    Gov- 
ernment, offering  the  use  of  the  Japanese  legation  as  a  refuge 
for   their   families    in   case   of   hostilities. 

25.  On  December  18th  last,  I  addressed  to  you  a  commu- 
nication  containing   the   following    words :     "  I   am   informed 
that   you   are   in   communication    with    Liliuokalani,    the   ex- 
Queen,  with   a  view  of   re-establishing   the   monarchy   in  the 
Hawaiian  Islands    and  of   supporting   her   pretensions   to  the 
sovereignty.      Will  you  inform   me  if  this  report   is   true  or 
if   you   are   acting   in   any   way  hostile   to  this    Government. 
*     *     *     You  will  pardon  me  for  pressing  you  for  an  imme- 
diate answer." 

26.  On    December    19th    you    called    upon,   and    made    a 
verbal  address  to  me,  furnishing  me  with  a  manuscript  copy 
of  your  remarks,   from  which  I  make  the  following  extracts : 

"  The  President  also  regrets,  as  do  I,  that  any  secrecy 
should  have  surrounded  the  interchange  of  views  between 
our  two  Governments.  I  may  say  this,  however,  that  the 
secrecy  thus  far  observed  has  been  in  the  interest  and  for 
the  safety  of  all  your  people.  *  *  * 

Upon  the  facts  embodied  in  Mr.  Blount's  reports,  the  Pre- 
sident has  arrived  at  certain  conclusions  and  determined 
upon  a  certain  course  of  action  with  which  it  becomes  my 
duty  to  acquaint  you : 

"The  Provisional  Governwent  was  not  established  by  the 


Hawaiian  people  or  with  their  consent  or  acquiescence,  nor 
has  it  since  existed  with  their  consent.  *  *  *  (Other 
reasons  are  set  forth  for  the  conclusions  reached). 

"In  view  of  these  conclusions  I  was  instructed  by  the 
President  to  take  advantage  of  an  early  opportunity  to  in- 
form the  Queen  of  this  determination  and  of  his  views  as  to 
the  responsibility  of  our  Government.  *  *  * 

"I  was  instructed  at  the  same  time  to  inform  the  Queen 
that  when  reinstated  that  the  President  expected  that  she 
would  pursue  a  magnanimous  course  by  granting  full 
amnesty  to  all  who  participated  in  the  movement  against 
her.  *  *  * 

"  In  obedience  to  the  command  of  the  President  I  have 
secured  the  Queen's  agreement  to  this  course.  *  *  * 

"  It  becomes  my  further  duty  to  advise  you,  sir,  the  Execu- 
tive of  the  Provisional  Government,  and  your  Ministers,  of: 
the  President's  determination  of  the  question  which  your 
action  and  that  of  the  Queen  devolved  upon  him,  and  that 
you  are  expected  to  promptly  relinquish  to  her  constitu- 
tional authority.  And  now,  Mr.  President  and  Gentlemen 
of  the  Provisional  Government,  with  a  deep  and  solemn 
sense  of  the  gravity  of  the  situation,  *  *  *  in  the  name 
and  by  the  authority  of  the  United  States  of  America,  I 
submit  to  you  the  question  :  Are  you  willing  to  abide  by 
the  decision  of  the  President?" 

27.  Upon  the  23d  of  December  I  replied  to  the  foregoing 
communication  in  the  negative. 


131 


tip  to  the  time  of  sending  you  my  communication  of 
December  27th  no  further  communication  had  been  received 
by  me  from  you,  and  no  assurance  had  been  received  that 
force  was  not  to  be  used  nor  what  your  further  intentions 
were  concerning  this  Government. 

28.  During  your  nearly  two  months'  residence  in  this 
city  you  and  your  family  have  declined  the  customary  social 
courtesies  usually  extended  to  those  occupying  your  official 
position,  on  the  specified  ground  that  it  was  not  deemed 
best  under  existing  circumstances  to  accept  such  civilities. 

I  do  not  for  a  moment  intimate  that  such  a  course  is  im- 
proper or  that  it  is  a  subject  for  criticism.  It  is  simply 
referred  to  by  me  as  an  existing  fact  bearing  upon  your 
relations  to  this  Government  and  germane  in  considering  the 
question  of  your  attitude  thereto.  It  would  not  have  been 
referred  to  by  me  except  in  response  to  your  inquiry. 

In  the  absence  of  specific,  definite  information  as  to  the 
intentions  of  your  Government,  the  foregoing  are  some  of 
the  facts  from  which  this  Government  has  been  obliged  to 
infer  what  such  intentions  were,  and  which,  considered  as 
a  whole  constitute  the  "  attitude "  toward  this  Government. 

It  may  be  that  the  proper  logical  deduction  and  inference 
from  the  foregoing  facts  is  that  the  "attitude"  of  the  United 
States  and  its  representative  toward  the  Provisional  Gov- 
ernment is  and  has  been  "  one  essentially  and  designedly 
expressive  of  peace."  It  will  give  me  the  greatest  pleasure 
to  receive  assurances  to  that  effect ;  but  I  submit  that  under 


the  circumstances  and  in  the  absence  of  such  assurances  they 
are  capable  of  another  construction,  to  a  sufficient  extent, 
at  least  to  warrant  the  question  which  I  have  asked  you  in 
my  communication  of  December  27th.  Your  second  request 
for  information  is  as  follows  : 

"  You  assert  that  at  the  time  of  my  arrival  in  this  coun- 
try the  forces  of  this  Government  were  organized  and  amply 
sufficient  to  suppress  any  internal  disorder.  Will  you  in- 
form me  what  connection  this  statement  has,  or  is  designed 
to  have,  with  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  or  with 
the  future  action  of  its  representative?" 

I  reply  that  there  are  two  reasons  for  the  said  statement- 
First,  that  already  stated  in  my  letter  of  December  17th, 
that  "  in  consequence  of  your  attitude  the  enemies  of  the 
Government  believing  in  your  intentions  to  restore  the 
monarchy,  by  force  have  become  emboldened,  etc.,"  and 
second,  that  by  reason  of  my  inability  to  ascertain  whether 
your  Government  proposed  to  use  force  in  support  of  its 
policy  of  restoration  I  was  obliged  to  act  as  though  it  did 
so  intend;  as  a  result  of  which-this  Government  has  been 
obliged  to  increase  its  forces  and  has  been  subjected  to  the 
necessity  of  increased  watchfulness  and  large  additional 
expense,  but  which  for  such  attitude  would  have  been 
unnecessary. 

The  effect  which  I  had  hoped  this  communication  might 
have  upon  the  future  action  of  the  representative  of  the 
United  States  was  that  he  might  give  such  assurances  that 


182 


such  additional  watchfulness  and  expense  might  be  ayoided. 

Your  third  request  is  for  the  time,  place  and  subject  matter 
of  the  "language"  used  by  yourself  in  public  and  in  commu- 
nication to  this  Government.  The  answer  to  this  is  covered 
by  my  reply  to  your  first  inquiry. 

Your  fourth  inquiry  is  as  to  what  particular  words  in  the 
published  letter  from  Secretary  Gresham  and  in  the  President's 
message,  and  which  message  of  the  President,  I  referred  to. 

I  reply  that  certain  of  the  words  of  the  Secretary  and  Presi- 
dent which  I  deem  pertinent  to  the  subject  matter  have  already 
been  quoted  in  my  reply  to  your  first  inquiry,  although  there 
are  others  obviously  bearing  on  the  same  subject. 

I  have  already  replied  to  you  that  I  referred  to  the  Presi- 
dent's first  message  in  my  letter  dated  the  27th,  having  actually 
been  written  on  the  26th  of  December  and  forwarded  to  you  be- 
fore I  had  knowledge  of  the  contents  of  the  second  message. 

Your  fifth  inquiry  is  as  to  the  time  and  contents  of  your 
communications  which  were  "  ambiguous."  I  have  enume- 
rated them  in  my  reply  to  your  first  inquiry.  The  ambiguity 
consists  in  the  reiterated  statement  that  you  proposed  to  do 
some  act  and  carry  out  certain  instructions,  which  all  the 
surrounding  circumstances  indicated  were  inimical  to  this 
Government,  without  stating  what  that  act  or  what  those 
instructions  were,  and  while  presenting  and  speaking  assur- 
ances of  friendship  and  amity,  without  the.  consent  of  this 
Government  negotiating  with  its  enemies  for  its  subversion, 
and  declining  to  utate  what  your  intentions  were. 


Such  utterances  and  actions  were  so  inconsistent  one  with 
the  other — with  international  rules  of  comity  and  the  past 
relations  and  international  policy  of  the  two  Governments, 
as  to  be  not  only  ambiguous,  but  incomprehensible  to  this 
Government. 

Your  sixth  inquiry  is  as  to  when,  where  and  to  whom  you 
declared  that  you  intended  to  do  some  act  when  the  proper 
time  arrived.  The  reply  to  your  first  inquiry  covers  this 
also. 

Your  seventh  inquiry  is  to  the  time  and  manner  when  the 
Government  has  sought  the  assurance  that  force  would  not 
be  used.  The  answer  is  contained  in  my  reply  to  your  first 
inquiry. 

You  finally  ask  my  "  careful  consideration  "  of  the  follow- 
ing statement  contained  in  my  letter. 

"  Your  action  has  unfortunately  aroused  the  passions  of  all 
parties  and  made  it  probable  that  disturbances  may  be  cre- 
ated at  any  moment,"  and  say  that  you  "  refuse  to  believe 
that  upon  re-examination  you  (I)  will  feel  at  liberty  to  affix 
your  (my)  official  signature  to  such  an  extraordinary  declar- 
ation." 

In  reply  I  beg  to  state  that  I  have  resided  in  this  country 
for  nearly  fifty  years,  and  had  intimate  personal  knowledge 
of  the  conditions  prevailing  during  the  riot  of  1874  and  the 
revolutions  of  1887,  1889  and  1893,  and  with  all  deliberation 
I  state  of  my  own  knowledge  that  during  such  periods  there 
has  never  been  a  time  when  the  country  has  been  subjected 


188 


to  such  strain  and  excitement  as  during  the  eight  days  fol- 
lowing the  arrival  of  the  Corwin.  The  business  of  the  entire 
community  was  practically  suspended  and  its  time  and  energy 
devoted  to  an  exciting  and  absorbing  consideration  of  the 
political  situation  and  to  military  preparation  to  meet  un- 
known contingencies,  which  state  of  tilings  has  since  been 
fortunately  allayed  by  advices  from  America  furnished  in  re- 
ports of  the  President's  special  Hawaiian  message  to  Congress 
and  his  instructions  to  your  Excellency,  information  which 
made  a  satisfactoiy  and  favorable  response  to  the  inquiry  of 
my  letter  to  you  of  December  27th. 

I  also  state  with  equal  deliberation  that  such  condition 
was  produced  and  maintained  by  reason  of  your  actions  and 
declarations  and  the  actions  and  declarations  of  your  Govern- 
ment and  the  circumstances  and  uncertainties  attendant  there- 
upon, as  detailed  in  my  letter  of  December  27th  and  herein. 

I  make  the  statement  in  no  spirit  of  unfriendliness  to  you  or 
your  Government,  but  as  an  historical  fact,  which,  if  not  al- 
ready known  to  you,  should,  in  the  interests  of  both  countries, 
be  made  known  to  you. 

In  conclusion,  I  beg  to  refer  to  the  statement  in  your  com- 
munication of  January  1st,  wherein  you  state  that  it  is  a  source 
of  ''sincere  and  profound  regret"  that  my  letter  ''  brings  for 
the  first  time  the  official  information  that  the  warlike  prepara- 
tions described  by  you  were  caused  by  a'nd  intended  for  the 
diplomatic  and  military  representatives  of  the  United  States." 

In  reply,  1  would  say  that  such  regret  on  your  part  at  re- 


ceiving such  information  cannot  exceed  the  sincerity  and  pro- 
foundness of  my  own  regret  that  such  a  condition  should  exist. 

Such  regret  on  my  part  is  only  equalled  by  inability  to  un- 
derstand how  it  has  come  about  that  a  Government  and  a  com- 
munity which  is  to-day  more  closely  connected  with  the  United 
States  by  ties  of  commerce,  friendship  and  blood  than  any  other 
lying  beyond  its  borders,  which  values  your  friendship  above 
that  of  all  other  nations,  which  fully  admits  and  appreciates 
the  many  and  deep  obligations  which  it  is  under  to  your  Gov- 
'  'eminent  and  people,  which  has  done  you  and  your  country  no 
wrong,  has  been  forced  into  a  position  where,  in  defense  of  their 
very  right  to  exist,  they  have  been  obliged  to  take  up  arms  to 
meet  the  possible  hostility  of  that  country,  whose  flag  they  re- 
vere and  whose  principles  of  liberty  they  love. 

I  cannot  but  believe  that  it  has  arisen  through  a  misunder- 
standing of  facts  on  the  part  of  your  Government,  and  a 
mutual  apprehension  of  motives  and  intentions,  which  may,  I 
sincerely  hope,  at  an  early  day,  be  cleared  away. 

Allow  me,  in  closing,  to  thank  you,  Mr.  Minister,  for  your 
frequent  expressions  of  personal  regard  and  for  the  evident 
sincerity  of  purpose  displayed  by  you  under  recent  trying  cir- 
cumstances, and  to  assure  you  of  my  deep  appreciation  thereof. 

1  have  the  honor  to  assure  you.  that,  with  highest  considera- 
tion, I  am 

Your  Excellency's  obedient  servant, 

SANFORD  B.  DOLE, 
Minister  of  Foreign  AJfain, 


134 


PROCLAMATION  .)F  THE  REPUBLIC. 


SUPPLEMENT  A. 

EEPOET    OF    COL.    J.    H.    BLOUNT. 

HONOLULU,  H.  L,  July  17th,  1893. 

The  HON.  WALTER  Q.  GKESHAM,  Secretary  of  State,  Washing- 
ton, U.  C. 

Sir:  On  the  llth  of  March,  1893,  I  was  appointed  by  the 
President  of  the  United  States  as  Special  Commissioner  to  the 
Hawaiian  Islands.  At  the  same  time  the  following  instruc- 
tions were  given  to  me  by  you  : 

****•*• 

On  the  29th  of  the  same  month  I  reached  the  City  of  Hono- 
lulu. The  American  Minister,  the  Hon.  John  L.  Stevens,  ac- 
companied by  a  committee  from  the  Annexation  Club,  came  on 
board  the  vessel  which  had  brought  me.  He  informed  me  that 
this  club  had  rented  an  elegant  house,  well  furnished,  and  pro- 
vided servants  and  a  carriage  and  horses  for  my  use;  that  I 
could  pay  for  this  accommodation  just  what  I  chose,  from 
nothing  up.  He  urged  me  very  earnestly  to  accept  the  offer. 
I  declined  it,  and  informed  him  that  I  should  go  to  a  hotel. 

The  committee  soon  after  this  renewed  the  offer,  which  I 
again  declined. 

Soon  afterward  the  ex-Queen,  through  her  Chamberlain,  ten- 
dered her  carriage  to  convey  ine  to  niy  hotel.  This  I  courte- 
ously declined. 


I  located  myself  at  the  Hawaiian  Hotel.  For  several  days  I 
Was  engaged  receiving  calls  from  persons  of  all  classes  and  of 
various  political  views.  I  soon  became  conscious  of  the  fact 
that  all  minds  were  quietly  and  anxiously  looking  to  see  what 
action  the  Government  of  the  United  States  would  take, 

The  troops  from  the  Boston  were  doing  military  duty  for  the 
Provisional  Government.  The  American  flag  was  floating  over 
the  Government  building.  Within  it  the  Provisional  Govern- 
ment conducted  its  business  under  an  American  protectorate,  to 
be  continued,  according  to  the  avowed  purpose  of  the  American- 
Minister,  during  negotiations  with  the  United  States  for  annex- 
ation. 

My  instructions  directed  me  to  make  inquiries  which,  in  the 
interest  of  candor  and  truth,  could  not  be  done  when  the  minds 
of  thousands  of  Hawaiian  citizens  were  full  of  uncertainty  as  to 
what  the  presence  of  American  troops,  the  American  flag  and 
the  American  protectorate  implied.  It  seemed  necessary  that 
all  these  influences  must  be  withdrawn  before  those  inquiries 
could  be  prosecuted  in  a  manner  befitting  the  dignity  and 
power  of  the  United  States. 

Inspired  with  such  feelings  and  confident  no  disorder  would 
ensue,  I  directed  the  removal  of  the  flag  of  the  United  States 
from  the  Government  building  and  the  return  of  the  American 
troops  to  their  vessels.  This  was  accomplished  without  any 
demonstration  of  joy  or  grief  on  the  part  of  the  populace. 

The  afternoon  before,  .in  an  interview  with  President  Dole,  in 
response  to  my  inquiry,  he  said  that  the  Provisional  Govurn- 


135 


ment  was  now  able  to  preserve  order,  although  it  could  not 
have  done  so  for  several  weeks  after  the  proclamation  establish- 
ing it. 

In  the  evening  of  the  same  day  the  American  Minister  called 
on  me  with  a  Mr.  Walter  G.  Smith,  who,  he  said,  <iesired  to 
make  an  important  communication  to  me  and  whom  he  knew 
to  be  very  intelligent  and  reliable.  Thereupon  Mr.  Smith, 
with  intense  gravity,  informed  me  that  he  knew  beyond  doubt 
that  it  had  been  arranged  between  the  Queen  and  the  Japanese 
Commissioner  that  if  the  American  flag  and  troops  were  re- 
moved the  troops  from  the  Japanese  man-of-war  Naniwa  would 
land  and  reinstate  the  Queen. 

Mr.  Smith  was  the  editor  of  the  Hawaiian  Star,  established 
by  the  Annexation  Club  for  the  purpose  of  advocating  annexa- 
tion. 

The  American  Minister  expressed  his  belief  in  the  statement 
of  Mr.  Smith,  and  urged  the  importance  of  the  American 
troops  remaining  on  shore  until  I  could  communicate  with  you 
and  you  could  have  the  opportunity  to  communicate  with  the 
Japanese  Government  and  obtain  from  it  assurances  that  Japa- 
nese troops  would  not  be  landed  to  enforce  any  policy  on  the 
Government  or  people  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands. 

I  was  not  impressed  much  with  these  statements. 

When  the  Japanese  Commissioner  learned  that  the  presence 
of  the  Japanese  man-of-war  was  giving  currency  to  suggestions 
that  his  Government  intended  to  interfere  with  domestic  affairs 
here,  he  wrote  to  his  Government  asking  that  the  vessel  be  or- 


dered away,  which  was  done.  He  expressed  to  me  his  deep 
regret  that  any  one  should  charge  that  the  empire  of  Japan, 
having  so  many  reasons  to  value  the  friendship  of  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  United  States,  would  consent  to  offend  that  Gov- 
ernment by  interfering  in  the  political  conflicts  in  these  islands, 
to  which  it  was  averse. 

In  the  light  of  subsequent  events  I  trust  the  correctness  of 
my  action  will  be  the  more  fully  justified. 

The  Provisional  Government  left  to  itB  own  preservation,  the 
people  freed  from  any  fear  of  free  intercourse  with  me  in  so  far 
as  my  action  could  accomplish  it,  the  disposition  of  the  minde 
of  all  people  to  peace  pending  the  consideration  by  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  United  States  as  to  what  should  be  its  action  in 
connection  with  affairs  here,  cleared  the  way  for  me  to  com- 
mence the  investigation  with  which  I  was  charged. 

The  causes  of  the  revolution  culminating  in  the  dethrone- 
ment of  the  Queen  and  the  establishment  of  the  Provisional 
Government,  January  17th,  1893,  are  remote  and  proximate. 
A  brief  presentation  of  the  former  will  aid  in  a  fuller  appre- 
hension of  the  latter. 

******* 

On  the  18th  of  February,  1874,  David  Kalakaua  was  pro- 
claimed King.  In  1875  a  treaty  of  commercial  reciprocity 
between  the  United  States  and  the  Hawaiian  Islands  was  rati- 
fied, and  the  laws  necessary  to  carry  it  into  operation  were 
enacted  in  1876.  It  provided,  as  you  are  aware,  for  the  free 
importation  into  the  United  States  of  several  articles  among 


136 


which  was  muscavado,  brown,  and  all  other  unrefined  sugars, 
syrups  of  sugar  cane,  melada,  and  molasses,  produced  in  the 
Hawaiian  Islands. 

From  it  there  came  to  the  islands  an  intoxicating  increase  of 
wealth,  a  new  labor  system,  an  Asiatic  population,  an  aliena- 
tion between  the  native  and  white  races,  an  impoverishment  of 
the  former,  an  enrichment  of  the  latter,  and  the  many  so-called 
revolutions,  which  are  the  foundation  for  the  opinion  that 

stable  government  cannot  be  maintained. 

******* 

In  the  year  1845,  under  the  influence  of  white  residents,  the 
lands  were  so  distributed  between  the  Crown,  the  Government, 
the  chief?,  and  the  people  as  to  leave  the  latter  with  an  insigni- 
ficant interest  in  lands — 27,830  acres. 

The  story  of  this  division  is  discreditable  to  King,  chiefs, 
and  white  residents,  but  would  be  tedious  here.  The  chiefs 
became  largely  indebted  to  the  whites,  and  thus  the  foundation 
for  the  large  holdings  of  the  latter  was  laid. 

Prior  to  1876  the  Kings  were  controlled  largely  by  such  men 
as  Dr.  Judd,  Mr.  Wyllie,  and  other  leading  white  citizens 
holding  positions  in  their  Cabinets. 

A  King  rarely  changed  his  Cabinet.  The  important  offices 
were  held  by  whits  men.  A  feeling  of  amity  existed'  between 
the  native  and  foreign  races  unmarred  by  hostile  conflict. 
It  should  be  noted  that  at  this  period  the  native  generally 
knew  how  to  read  and  write  his  native  tongue,  into  which  the 
Bible  and  a  few  English  works  were  translated.  To  this, 


native  newspapers  of  extensive  circulation  contributed  to  the 
awakening  of  his  intellect.  He  also  generally  read  and  wrote 
English. 

From  1820  to  1866  missionaries  of  various  nationalities, 
especially  American,  with  unselfishness,  toil,  patience,  and 
piety,  had  devoted  themselves  to  the  improvement  of  the 
natives.  They  gave  them  a  language,  a  religion,  afld  an  im- 
mense movement  on  the  lines  of  civilization.  In  process  of 
time  the  descendants  of  these  good  men  grew  up  in  secular  pur- 
suits. Superior  by  nature,  education,  and  other  opportunities, 
they  acquired  wealth.  They  sought  ie  succeed  <x>  the  political 
control  exercised  by  their  fathers.  The  reveresd  missionary 
disappeared.  In  his  stead  there  came  the  Anglo-Saxon  in  the 
person  of  his  son,  ambitious  to  acquire  wealth  and  to  continue 
that  political  control  reverently  conceded  to  hie  pious  ancestor. 
Hence,  in  satire,  the  native  designated  him  a  "  missionary," 
which  has  become  a  campaign  phrase  of  wonderful  potency. 
Other  white  foreigners  came  into  the  country,  especially  Ameri- 
cans, English,  and  Germans.  These,  as  a  rule,  did  not  bocouse 
naturalized  and  participate  in  the  voting  franchise.  Business 
and  race  affiliation  occasioned  sympathy  and  co-operation  be- 
tween these  two  classes  of  persons  of  foreign  extraction. 

Does  this  narration  of  facts  portray  a  situation  in  a  Govern- 
ment in  whole  or  in  part  representative  favorable  to  the  ambi- 
tion of  a  lender  who  will  espouse  the  native  cause?  Would  it 
be  strange  for  him  to  stir  the  native  heart  by  picturing  a 
system  of  political  control  under  which  the  foreigner  had 


137 


w  ickedly  become  possessed  of  the  soil,  degraded  free  labor  by 
an  uncivilized  system  of  coolie  labor,  prostituted  society  by 
injecting  into  it  a  people  hostile  to  Christianity  and  the  civili- 
zation of  the  nineteenth  century,  exposed  their  own  daughters 
to  the  evil  influences,  of  an  overwhelming  male  population  of  a 
degraded  type,  implanted  Japanese  and  Chinese  women  almost 
insensible,  to  feelings  of  chastity,  and  then  loudly  boasted  of 
their  Christianity? 

On  the  other  hand,  was  it  not  natural  for  the  white  race  to 
vaunt  their  wealth  and  intelligence,  their  Christian  success  in 
rescuing  the  native  from  barbarism,  their  gift  of  a  Government 
regal  in  name  but  containing  many  of  the  principles  of  free- 
dom ;  to  find  in  the  natives  defective  intelligence,  tendencies  to 
idolatry,  to  race  prejudice,  and  a  disposition  under  the  influ- 
ence of  white  and  half-white  leaders  to  exercise  political  domi- 
nation ;  to  speak  of  their  thriftlessness  in  private  life  and 
susceptibility  to  bribes  in  legislative  action  ;  to  proclaim  the 
unchasteness  of  native  women,  and  to  take  at  all  hazards  the 
direction  of  public  affairs  from  the  native? 

With  such  a  powerful  tendency  to  divergence  and  political 
strife,  with  its  attendant  bitterness  and  exaggerations,  we  must 
enter  upon  the  field  of  inquiry  pointed  out  in  your  instructions. 

It  is  not  my  purpose  to  take  up  this  racial  controversy  at  its 
!>irth,  but  when  it  had  reached  striking  proportions  and  power- 
fully acted  in  the  evolution  of  grave  political  events  culminat- 
ing in  the  present  status.  Nor  shall  I  relate  all  the  minute 
details  of  political  controversy  at  any  given  period,  but  only 


such  and  to  such  extent  as  may  illustrate  the  purpose  just 
indicated. 

It  has  already  appeared  that  under  the  Constitution  of  18o2 
the  Legislature  consisted  of  two  bodies — one  elected  by  the 
people  and  the  other  chosen  by  the  King — and  that  no  pro- 
perty qualifications  hindered  the  right  of  suffrage.  The  King 
and  people  through  the  two  bodies  held  a  check  on  each  other. 
It  has  also  been  shown  that  in  1864  by  a  royal  proclamation  a 
new  Constitution,  sanctioned  by  a  Cabinet  of  prominent  white 
men,  was  established,  restricting  the  right  of  suffrage  and  com- 
bining the  representative  and  nobles  into  one  body.  This 
latter  provision  was  designed  to  strengthen  the  power  of  the 
Crown  by  removing  a  body  distinctly  representative.  This 
instrument  remained  in  force  twenty-three  years.  The  Crown 
appointed  the  nobles  generally  from  white  men  of  property  and 
intelligence.  In  like  manner  the  King  selected  his  Cabinet. 
These  remained  in  office  for  a  long  series  of  years  and  directed 
the  general  conduct  of  public  affairs. 

Chief  Justice  Judd  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  Hawaiian 
Islands,  in  a  formal  statement,  uses  this  language  : 

"Under  every  Constitution  prior  to  1887  the  Ministers  were 
appointed  by  the  King  and  removed  by  him  ;  but  until  Kala- 
kaua's  reign  it  was  a  very  rare  thing  that  any  King  changed 
his  Ministry.  They  had  a  pretty  long  lease  of  political  life. 
My  father  was  Minister  for  seven  or  ten  years,  and  Mr.  Wyllie 
for  a  longer  period.  It  was  a  very  rare  political  occurrence 
and  made  a  great  sensation  when  a  change  was  made.  Under 


138 


Kalakaua  things  were  different.  I  think  we  had  twenty-six 
different  Cabinets  during  his  reign." 

The  record  discloses  thirteen  Cabinets.  Two  of  these  were 
directly  forced  on  him  by  the  reformers.  Of  the  others,  six 
were  in  sympathy  with  the  reformers  and  eminent  in  their 
confidence.  The  great  stir  in  Cabinet  changes  commenced 
with  the  Gibson  Cabinet  in  1882.  He  was  a  man  of  large  in- 
formation, free  from  all  suspicion  of  bribery,  politically  ambi- 
tious, and  led  the  natives  and  some  whites. 

It  may  not  be  amiss  to  present  some  of  the  criticisms  against 
Kalakaua  and  his  party  formally  filed  with  me  by  Prof.  W.  D. 
Alexander,  a  representative  reformer. 

On  the  12th  of  February,  1874,  Kalakaua  was  elected  King 
by  the  Legislature.  The  popular  choice  lay  between  him  and 
the  Queen  Dowager. 

In  regard  to  this,  Mr.  Alexander  says  that  "the  Cabinet  and 
the  American  Party  used  all  their  influence  in  favor  of  the 
former,  while  the  English  favored  Queen  Emma,  who  was 
devoted  to  their  interest." 

Notwithstanding  there  were  objections  to  Kalakaua's  charac- 
ter, he  says:  "It  was  believed,  however,  that  if  Queen  Emma 
should  be  elected  there  would  be  no  hope  of  our  obtaining  a 
reciprocity  treaty  with  the  United  States." 

He  gives  an  account  of  various  .obnoxious  measures  advo- 
cated by  the  King  which  were  defeated. 

In  1882  he  says  the  race  issue  was  raised  by  Mr.  Gibson,  and 
only  two  white  men  were  elected  to  the  Legislature  on  the  Islands. 


A  bill  prohibiting  the  sale  of  intoxicating  liquors  to  natives 
was  repealed  at  this  session. 

A  $10,000,000  loan  bill  was  again  introduced,  but  was 
shelved  in  committee.  The  appropriation  bill  was  swelled  to 
double  the  estimated  receipts  of  the  Government,  including 
$30,000  for  coronation  expenses,  besides  large  sums  for  military 
expenses,  foreign  embassies,  etc. 

A  bill  was  reported  giving  the  King  power  to  appoint  Dis- 
trict Justices,  which  had  formerly  been  done  by  the  Justices 
of  the  Supreme  Court. 

A  million  of  dollars  of  silver  was  coined  by  the  King,  worth 
84  cents  to  the  dollar,  which  was  intended  to  be  exchanged  for 
gold  bonds  at  par,  under  the  loan  act  of  1882.  This  proceed- 
ing was  enjoined  by  the  court.  The  Privy  Council  declared 
the  coin  to  be  of  the  legal  value  expressed  on  their  face,  subject 
to  the  legal-tender  act,  and  they  were  gradually  put  into  circu- 
lation. A  profit  of  $150,000  is  said  to  have  been  made  on  this 
transaction. 

In  1884  a  reform  Legislature  was  elected.  A  lottery  bill,  an 
opium-license  bill  and  an  $8,000,000  loan  bill  were  defeated. 

In  the  election  for  the  Legislature  of  1886  it  is  -alleged  that 
by  the  use  of  gin,  chiefly  furnished  by  the  King,  and  by  the  use 
of  his  patronage,  it  was  carried  against  the  reform  party;  that 
out  of  twenty-eight  candidates,  twenty-six  were  office-holders — 
one  a  tax  assessor  and  one  the  Queen's  secretary.  There  was 
only  one  white  man  on  the  Government  ticket — Gibson's  son- 
in-law.  Only  ten  reform  candidate*  were  elected.  In  this 


139 


Legislature  an  opium  bill  was  passed  providing  for  a  license  for 
four  years,  to  be  granted  by  the  Minister  of  the  Interior,  with 
the  consent  of  the  King,  for  $30,000  per  annum. 

Another  act  was  passed  to  create  an  Hawaiian  Board  of 
Health,  consisting  of  five  native  doctors,  appointed  by  the 
King,  with  power  to  issue  certificates  to  native  kahunas  (doc- 
tors) to  practice  medicine. 

A  $2,000,000  loan  bill  was  passed,  which  was  used  largely  in 
taking  up  bonds  on  a  former  loan. 

It  is  claimed  that  in  granting  the  lottery  franchise  the  King 
fraudulently  obtained  $75,000  for  the  franchise,  and  then  sold 
it  to  another  person,  and  that  subsequently  the  King  was  com- 
pel led  to  refund  the  same. 

These  are  the  principal  allegations  on  which  the  revolution 
of  1887  is  justified. 

None  of  the  legislation  complained  of  would  have  been  con- 
sidered a  cause  for  revolution  in  any  one  of  the  United  States, 
but  would  have  been  used  in  the  elections  to  expel  the  authors 
from  power.  The  alleged  corrupt  action  of  the  King  could 
have  been  avoided  by  more  careful  legislation  and  would  have 
been  a  complete  remedy  for  the  future. 

The  rate  of  taxation  on  real  or  personal  property  never  ex- 
ceeded 1  per  cent. 

To  all  this  the  answer  comes  from  the  reformers  :  "  The  na- 
tive  is  unfit  for  government,  and  his  power  must  be  curtailed." 

The  general  belief  that  the  King  had  accepted  what  is  termed 
tha  opium  bribe  and  th«  folium  of  hit  efforts  to  unite  the  Sa- 


moan  Islands  with  his  own  kingdom  had  a  depressing  influence 
on  his  friends,  and  his  opponents  used  it  with  all  the  effect 
they  could. 

The  last  Cabinet  prior  to  the  revolution  of  1887  was  anti- 
reform.  Three  of  its  members  were  half  castes;  two  of  them 

were  and  are  recognized  as  lawyers  of  ability  by  all. 

******* 

The  amendments  in  the  Constitution  of  1887  disclose : 
First — A  purpose  to  take  from  the  King  the  power  to  appoint 
nobles  and  to  vest  it  in  persons  having  $3,000  worth  of  unin- 
cumbered  property  or  an  annual  income  above  the  expense  of 
living  of  $600.  This  gave  to  the  whites  three-fourths  of  the 
vote  for  nobles  and  one-fourth  to  the  natives. 

The  provisos  to  the  fourtk  section  of  Article  59  and  Article 
62  have  this  significant  application.  Between  the  years  1878 
and  1886  the  Hawaiian  Government  imported  from  Madeira 
and  the  Azores  Islands  10,216  contract  laborers,  men,  women, 
and  children.  Assume,  for  convenience  of  argument,  that  2,000 
of  these  were  males  of  twenty  years  and  upward.  Very  few  of 
them  could  read  and  write.  Only  three  of  them  were  natural- 
ized up  to  1888,  and  since  then  only  five  more  have  become  so. 
The  remainder  are  subjects  of  Portugal.  These  were  admitted 
to  vote  on  taking  the  following  oath  and  receiving  the  accom- 
panying certificate : 

No 

Hawaiian  Islands, 

Island  of  ,  District  of w. : 

I,  ..........••••....!  ag«d. ,  •  oatire  ot  •>i» 


140 


at ,  in  said  district,  do  solemnly  swear,  in  the  presence  of 

Almighty  God,  that  I  will  support  the  Constitution  of  the  Hawaiian  King- 
dom, promulgated  and  proclaimed  on  the  7th  day  of  July,  18«7,  and  the 
laws  of  said  kingdom.  Not  hereby  renouncing,  but  expressly  reserving, 

all  allegiance  and  citizenship  now  owing  or  held  by  me. 


Subscribed  and  sworn  to  before  me  this 

A.D.  18....  


No 

Hawaiian  Islands, 

Island  of ,  District  of    ,  ss. : 

I,  the  undersigned,  Inspector  of  Elections,  duly  appointed  and  com- 
missioned, do  hereby  certify  that ,  aged  ,  a  native 

of ,  residing  at ,  in  snid  district,  has  this 

day  taken  before  me  the  oatii  to  support  the  Constitution  of  tbe  Hawaiian 
Kingdom,  promulgated  and  proclaimed  on  the  7th  day  of  July,  and  the 
laws  of  said  kingdom.  

,18 Inspector  of  Election. 

These  ignorant  laborers  were  taken  before  the  election  from 
the  cane  fields  in  large  numbers  by  the  overseers  before  the 
proper  officer  to  administer  the  oath,  and  then  carried  to  the 
polls  and  voted  according  to  the  will  of  the  plantation  mana- 
ger. Why  was  this  done?  In  the  language  of  Chief  Justice 
Judd,  "  to  balance  the  native  vote  with  the  Portuguese  vote." 
This  same  purpose  is  admitted  by  all  persons  here.  Again, 
large  numbers  of  Americans,  Germans,  English,  and  other  for- 
eigners un  naturalized  were  permitted  to  vote  under  the  fore- 
going form. 

Two-thirds  of  this  number  were  never  naturalized,  but  voted 
under  the  above  form  of  oath  and  certificate.  They  were  citi- 
zens of  the  United  States,  Germany,  and  Gfeat  Britain,  invited 
to  vote  under  this  Constitution  to  neutralize  further  the  native 


voting  strength.  This  same  action  was  taken  in  connection 
with  other  European  populations. 

For  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  the  country  the  number 
of  nobles  is  made  equal  to  the  number  of  representatives.  This 

day  of    .        ... — ,     furnished  a  veto  power  over  the  representatives  of  the  popular 
,  Inspector  of  Election. 

vote  to  the  nobles,  who  were  selected  by  persons  mostly  hold- 
ing allegiance,  and  not  subjects  of  the  kingdom.  The  election 
of  a  single  representative  by  the  foreign  element  gave  to  it  the 
Legislature. 

The  power  of  appointing  a  cabinet  was  left  with  the  King. 
His  power  to  remove  one  was  taken  away.  The  removal  could 
only  be  accomplished  by  a  vote  of  want  of  confidence  by  a 
majority  of  all  the  elective  members  of  the  Legislature.  The 
tenure  of  office  of  a  cabinet  minister  henceforth  depends  on  the 
pleasure  of  the  Legislature,  or,  to  speak  practically,  on  the 
favor  of  certain  foreigners,  Americans  and  Europeans. 

Then  it  is  declared  that  no  act  of  the  King  shall  have 
any  effect,  unless  it  be  countersigned  by  a  member  of  the 
cabinet,  who  by  that  signature  makes  himself  responsible. 
Power  is  taken  from  the  King  in  the  selection  of  nobles,  not  to 
be  given  to  the  masses,  but  to  the  wealthy  classes,  a  large 
majority  of  whom  are  not  subjects  of  the  kingdom.  Power  to 
remove  a  cabinet  is  taken  away  from  him,  not  to  be  conferred 
on  a  popular  body,  but  on  one  designed  to  be  ruled  by  foreign 
subjects.  Power  to  do  any  act  was  taken  from  the  King,  unless 
by  a  member  of  the  cabinet.  This  instrument  was  never  sub- 
mitted to  the  people  for  appproval  or  rejection,  nor  was  it  ever 


141 


contemplated  by  its  friends  and  promoters,  and  of  this  no  man 
will  make  issue. 

Prior  to  this  revolution,  large  quantities  of  arms  bad  been 
brought  by  a  secret  league  from  San  Francisco,  and  placed 
among  its  members.  The  first  election  under  this  Constitution 
took  place  with  the  foreign  population  well  armed  and  the 
troops  hostile  to  the  crown  and  people.  The  result  was  the 
election  of  what  was  termed  a  reform  Legislature.  The  mind 
of  an  observer  of  these  events  notes  henceforth  a  division  of 
the  people  by  the  terms  native  and  foreigner.  It  does  not 
import  race  hostility  simply.  It  is  founded  rather  upon  the 
attempted  control  of  the  country  by  a  population  of  foreign 
origin  and  zealously  holding  allegiance  to  foreign  powers.  It 
had  an  alliance  with  natives  of  foreign  parentage,  some  of 
whom  were  the  descendants  of  missionary  ancestors.  Hence 
the  terms  "foreigner"  and  "missionary"  in  Hawaiian  politics 
have  their  peculiar  significance. 

Foreign  ships  of  great  powers  lying  in  the  harbor  of  Hono- 
lulu to  protect  the  persons  and  property  of  their  citizens,  and 
these  same  citizens  left  by  their  Government  without  reproof 
for  participation  in  such  events  as  I  have  related,  must  have 
restrained  the  native  mind,  from  a  resort  to  physical  force.  Its 
means  of  resistance  was  naturally  what  was  left  of  political 
power. 

In  1890  a  Legislature  was  elected  in  favor  of  a  new  Constitu- 
tion. The  calculation  of  the  reformers  to  elect  all  the  nobles 
failed,  owing  to  a  defection  of  whites,  especially  among  the 


intelligent  laboring  classes  in  the  City  of  Honolulu,  who  wer6 
qualified  to  vote  for  nobles  under  the  income  clause.  The 
cabinet  installed  by  the  revolution  was  voted  out.  A  new 
Cabinet  in  harmony  with  the  popular  will,  was  appointed  and 
remained  in  power  until  tl/ie  death  of  the  King  in  I  Sill. 

In  1892  another  Legislature  was  elected.  Thrum's  Hand- 
book of  Information  for  1893,  whose  author,  a^  reformer  and 
annexationist,  is  intelligent,  and  in  the  employ  of  the  Provi- 
sional Government,  and  whose  work  is  highly  valued  by  all 
persons,  says,  concerning  the  election  : 

The  result  brought  to  the  Legislature  three  rather  evenly 
balanced  parties.  This,  with  an  admixture  of  self-interest  in 
certain  quarters,  has  been  the  means  of  much  delay  in  the 
progress  of  the  session,  during  which  there  have  been  no  less 
than  three  new  cabinets  on  "  want-of-confidence  "  resolutions. 

Judge  Widemann  of  the  National  Reform  Party  divides  the 
Legislature  up  thu* :  "Three  parties  and  some  independents—- 
the National  Reform,  Reform,  and  Liberal."  There  were  nine 
members  of  the  National  Reform  Party,  fourteen  members  of 
the  Reform,  twenty-one  Liberals,  and  four  independents. 

The  Lilerals  'avored  the  old  mode  of  selecting  nobles,  the 
National  Reform  Party  was  in  favor  of  a  new  Constitution 
reducing  the  qualification  of  voter  for  nobles,  and  the  Reform 
Party  was  in  opp.  sition  to  1  oth  these  ideas. 

There  were  a  number  of  members  of  all  these  faction-* 
aspiring  to  be  cabinet  officers.  This  made  certain  individuals 
ignore  party  lines  and  form  combinations  to  advance  personal 


142 


interests.  The  Reform  Party  seized  upon  the  situation  and 
made  suoh  combinations  as  voted  out  cabinet  after  cabinet 
until  finally  what  was  termed  the  Wilcox  Cabinet  was  ap- 
pointed. This  was  made  up  entirely  of  reformers.  Those 
members  of  the  National  Reform  and  Liberal  Parties  who  had 
been  acting  with  the  Reform  Party  to  this  point,  and  expecting 
representational  the  cabinet,  being  disappointed,  set  to  work  to 
vot*  out  this  cabinet,  which  was  finally  accomplished. 

There  was  never  a  time  when  the  Reform  Party  had  any 
approach  to  a  majority  of  members  of  the  Legislature. 

Let  it  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  time  now  was  near  at  hand 
when  the  Legislature  would  probably  be  prorogued.  Whatever 
cabinet  was  in  power  at  the  time  of  the  prorogation  had  control 
of  public  affairs  until  a  new  Legislature  should  assemble  two 
years  afterward  and  longer,  unless  expelled  by  a  vote  of  want  of 
confidence. 

An  anti-reform  cabinet  was  appointed  by  the  Queen.  Some 
faint  struggle  was  made  toward  organizing  to  vote  out  this 
cabinet,  but  it  was  abandoned.  The  Legislature  WMS  prorogued. 
The  reform  members  absented  themselyes  from  the  session  of 
that  day  in  manifestation  of  their  disappointment  in  the  loss  of 
power  through  the  cabinet  for  the  ensuing  two  years. 

The  letters  of  the  American  Minister  and  naval  officers  sta- 
tioned at  Honolulu  in  18J2  indicate  that  any  failure  to  appoint 
a  Ministry  of  the  Reform  Party  would  produce  a  political 
crisis.  The  voting  out  of  the  Wilcox  Cabinet  produced  a  discon- 
tent among  the  reformers  verging  very  closely  toward  one,  and 


had  more  to  do  with  the  revolution  than  the  Queen's  proclama- 
tion. The  first  was  the  foundation,  the  latter  the  opportu- 
nity. 

In  the  Legislatures  of  1890  and  1892  many  petitions  were 
filed  asking  for  a  new  Constitution.  Many  were  presented  to 
the  King  and  Queen.  The  discontent  with  the  Constitution  of 
1887  and  eagerness  to  escape  from  it  controlled  the  elections 
against  the  party  which  had  established  it.  Divisions  on  the 
mode  of  changing  the  Constitution,  whether  by  legislative 
action  or  by  Constitutional  Convention,  and  the  necessity  for  a 
two-thirds  vote  of  the  Legislature  to  effect  amendments,  pre- 
vented relief  by  either  method.  Such  was  the  situation  at 
the  prorogation  of  the  Legislature  of  1892. 

This  was  followed  by  the  usual  ceremonies  at  the  palace 
on  the  day  of  prorogation — the  presence  of  the  Cabinet,  Su- 
preme Court  Judges,  Diplomatic  Corps,  and  troops. 

The  Queen  informed  her  cabinet  of  her  purpose  to  pro- 
claim a  new  Constitution,  and  requested  them  to  sign  it. 

From  the  best  information  I  can  obtain  the  changes  to 
the  Constitution  of  1887  were  as  follows : 

Art.  20.  By  adding  to  exceptions :  Members  of  the  Privy 
Council,  Notary  Public,  agents  to  take  acknowledgments. 

Art.  22.  By  adding  Princes  Kawananakoa  and  Kalani- 
anaole  as  heirs  to  the  throne. 

Art.  46.  Changing  the  session  of  the  Legislature  to  the 
month  of  April. 

Art.  49.     That   the  Queen  shall  sign  and  approve  all  bills 


143 


and  resolutions,  even  to  those  that  are  voted  when  passed 
over  her  veto. 

Art.  56.  Pay  of  Representatives  raised  to  $500  instead  of 
$250  for  biennial  term. 

Art.  57.  The  Queen  shall  appoint  the  nobles,  not  to  ex- 
ceed twenty-four. 

Art.  60.  The  Representatives  may  be  increased  from 
twenty-four,  as  at  present,  to  forty-eight. 

Art.  72.     Only  subjects  shall  vote. 

Art.  6.  The  term  of  appointment  of  the  Supreme  Court 
Judges,  not  for  life,  as  before,  but  for  six  years. 

Art.  75.  The  appointment  of  Governors  of  each  island  for 
four-years  term. 

Her  Ministers  declined  to  sign,  and  two  of  them  communi- 
cated to  leading  reformers  (Mr.  L.  A.  Thurston,  Mr.  W.  O. 
Smith,  and  others)  the  Queen's  purpose  and  the  position  of 
the  cabinet.  Finding  herself  thwarted  by  the  position  of  the 
cabinet,  she  declared  to  the  crowd  around  the  palace  that 
she  could  not  give  them  a  new  Constitution  at  that  time  on 
account  of  the  action  of  her  Ministers,  and  that  she  would 
do  so  at  some  future  time.  This  was  construed  by  some  to 
mean  that  she  would  do  so  at  an  early  day  when  some  un- 
defined, favorable  opportunity  should  occur,  and  by  others 
when  a  new  Legislature  should  assemble  and  a  new  cabinet 
might  favor  her  policy,  or  some  other  than  an  extreme  and 
revolutionary  course  could  be  resorted  to. 

It  seems   that  the  members  of  the  Queen's  Cabinet,  after 


much  urging,  prevailed  upon  her  to  abandon  the  idea  of 
proclaiming  a  new  Cons'.itution.  The  co-operation  of  the 
cabinet  appears  to  have  been,  in  the  mind'  of  the  Queen, 
necessary  to  give  effect  to  her  proclamation.  This  method 
had  been  adopted  by  Kamehameha  V,  in  proclaiming  the 
Constitution  of  1864.  The  Constitution  of  1887  preserved 
this  same  form,  in  having  the  King  proclaim  that  Constitu- 
tion on  the  recommendation  of  the  cabinet,  which  he  had 
been  prevailed  upon  by  a  committee  from  the  mass  meeting 
to  appoint. 

Tne  leaders  of  the  movement  urged  the  members  of  the 
Queen's  Cabinet  not  to  resign,  feeling  assured  that  until  they 
had  done  so  the  Queen  would  not  feel  that  the  power  rested 
in  her  alone  to  proclaim  a  new  Constitution.  In  order  to 
give  further  evidence  of  her  purpose  to  abandon  the  design 
of  proclaiming  it,  a  proclamation  was  published  on  the 
morning  of  the  16th  of  January,  signed  by  herself  and  her 
Ministers,  pledging  her  not  to  do  so  and  was  communicated 
to  Minister  Stevens  that  morning. 

The  following  papers  were  among  the  files  of  the  legation 
when  turned  over  to  me : 

DEPARTMENT  OF  FOREIGN  AFFAIRS, 

HONOLULU,  H.  L,  Jan.   16,  1893. 


SIR:    I  have  the   honor  to  inclose  to   your   Excellency  a 
copy  of  a  "  By   Authority "   notice  issued   this   morning   by 


144 


her    Majesty's    Ministers   under    her    Majesty's    sanction    and 
approval. 

I  have  the  honor'  to  be,  with  the  highest  respect,  your 
Excellency's  obedient  servant, 

SAMUEL  PARKER, 
Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs. 

To   His   Excellency   JOHN  L.   STEVENS,    United  States  Envoy 
Extraordinary    and    Minister    Plenipotentiary,    Honolulu. 

BY    AUTHORITY. 

Her  Majesty's  Ministers  desire  to  express  their  apprecia- 
tion for  the  quiet  and  order  which  have  prevailed  in  this 
community  since  the  events  of  Saturday,  and  are  authorized 
to  say  that  the  promulgation  of  a  new  Constitution  was 
under  stress  of  her  native  subjects. 

Authority  is  given  for  the  assurance  that  any  changes 
desired  in  the  fundamental  law  of  the  land  will  be  sought 
only  by  methods  provided  in  the  Constitution  itself. 

Her  Majesty's  Ministers  request  all  citizens  to  accept  the 
assurance  of  her  Majesty  in  the  same  spirit  in  which  it  is 
given. 

LlLIUOKALANI, 

SAMUEL  PARKER, 

Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs. 

W.    H.    COHNWELL, 

Minister  of  Finance. 


JOHN  F.  COLBURN, 

Minister  of  the  Interior. 

A.  P.  PETERSON, 

Attorney-General. 

On  the  same  day  a  mass  meeting  of  between  fifteen  hundred 
and  two  thousand  people  assembled,  attended  by  the  leading 
men  in  the  Liberal  and  National  Reform  parties,  and  adopted 
resolutions  as  follows  : 

Resolved,  That  the  assurance  of  her  Majesty  the  Queen  con- 
tained in  this  day's  proclamation  is  accepted  by  the  people  as 
a  satisfactory  guarantee  that  the  Government  does  not  and 
will  not  seek  any  modification  of  the  Constitution  by  any  other 
means  than  those  provided  in  the  organic  law. 

Resolved,  That,  accepting  this  assurance,  the  citizens  here 
will  give  their  cordial  support  to  the  Administration  and  in- 
dorse them  in  sustaining  that  policy. 

To  the  communication  inclosing  the  Queen's  proclamation 
just  cited,  there  appears  to  have  been  made  no  response.  On 
the  next  day,  as  if  to  give  further  assurance,  the  following 
paper  was  sent  to  Mr.  Stevens  : 

SIR  :  The  assurance  conveyed  by  a  royal  proclamation  by 
myself  and  Ministers  yesterday  having  been  received  by  my 
native  subjects,  and  by  them  ratified  at  a  mass  meeting,  was 
received  in  a  different  spirit  by  the  meeting  representing  the 
foreign  population  and  interests  in  my  kingdom.  It  is  now 


145 


my  desire  to  give  your  Excellency,  as  the  diplomatic  represen- 
tative of  the  United  States  of  America  at  my  Court,  the  solemn 
assurance  that  the  Constitution  will  be  upheld  and  maintained 
by  me  and  my  Ministers,  and  no  changes  will  be  made  except 
by  the  methods  therein  provided. 

I  desire  to  express  to  your  Excellency  this  assurance  in  the 
spirit  of  that  friendship  which  has  ever  existed  between  my 
kingdom  and  that  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States  of 
America,  and  which,  I  trust,  will  long  continue. 

LlLIUOKALANI  R. 

By  the  Queen  : 

SAMUEL  PARKER, 

Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs. 
WILLIAM  H.  CORNWELL, 

Minister  of  Finance. 
JOHN  F.  COLBURN, 

Minister  of  the  Interior. 
A.  P.  PETERSON, 

Attorney-General. 
lolani  Palace.  Honolulu,  Jan.  17,  1893. 

His  Excellency  JOHN  L.  STEVENS,  United  States  Envoy  Extra- 
ordinary and  Minister  Plenipotentiary,  Honolulu. 

On  the  back  of  the  first  page  of  this  communication,  written 
in  pencil,  is  the  word  "  Declined."  Immediately  under  the 
signature  of  the  Attorney-General,  also  in  pencil  is  written 
"1:30  to  1:45,"  and  at  the  end  on  the  second  and  last  page 


this  sentence,  written  in  ink,  appears :  "  Received  at  the  U.  S. 
Legation  about  2  P.  M" 

The  cabinet  itself  could  not  be  moved  for  two  years,  and  the 
views  of  its  members  were  well  known  to  be  against  establish- 
ing a  new  Constitution  by  proclamation  of  the  Queen  and 
cabinet. 

Nearly  all  of  the  arms  on  the  Island  of  Oahu,  in  which 
Honolulu  is  situated,  were  in  the  possession  of  the  Queen's 
Government.  A  military  force,  organized  and  drilled,  occupied 
the  station  house,  the  barracks,  and  the  palace — the  only  points 
of  strategic  significance  in  the  event  of  a  conflict. 

The  great  body  of  the  people  moved  in  their  usual  course. 
Women  and  children  passed  to  and  fro  through  the  streets, 
seemingly  unconscious  of  any  impending  danger,  and  yet  there 
were  secret  conferences  held  by  a  small  body  of  men,  some  of 
whom  were  Germans,  some  Americans,  and  some  native-born 
subjects  of  foreign  origin. 

On  Saturday  evening,  the  15th  of  January,  they  took  up  the 
subject  of  dethroning  the  Queen  and  proclaiming  a  new  Gov- 
ernment, with  a  view  of  annexation  to  the  United  States. 

The  first  and  most  momentous  question  with  them  was  to 
devise  some  plan  to  have  the  United  States  troops  landed.  Mr. 
Thurston,  who  appears  to  have  been  the  leading  spirit,  on 
Monday  sought  two  members  of  the  Queen's  Cabinet  and  urged 
them  to  head  a  movement  against  the  Queen,  and  to  ask 
Minister  Stevens  to  land  the  troops,  assuring  them  that  in  such 
an  event  Mr.  Stevens  would  do  so.  Failing  to  enlist  any  of  the 


146 


Queen's  Cabinet  in  the  cause,  it  was  necessary  to  devise  some 
other  mode  to  accomplish  this  purpose.  A  committee  of  safety, 
consisting  of  thirteen  members,  had  been  formed  from  a  little 
body  of  men  assembled  in  W.  O.  Smith's  office.  A  deputation 
of  these,  informing  Mr.  Stevens  of  their  plans,  arranged  with 
him  to  land  the  troops  if  they  would  ask  it  "for  the  purpose  of 
protecting  life  and  property."  It  was  further  agreed  between 
him  and  them  that  in  the  event  they  should  occupy  the  Gov- 
ernment Building  and  proclaim  a  new  Government  he  .would 
recognize  it.  The  two  leading  members  of  the  committee, 
Messrs.  Thurston  and  Smith,  growing  uneasy  as  to  the  safety 
of  their  persons,  went  to  him  to  know  if  he  would  protect  them 
in  the  event  of  their  arrest  by  the  authorities,  to  which  he  gave 
his  assent. 

At  the  mass  meeting  called  by  the  Committee  of  Safety  on  the 
16th  of  January,  there  was  no  communication  to  the  crowd  of 
any  purpose  to  dethrone  the  Queen  or  to  change  the  form  of  Gov- 
ernment, but  only  to  authorize  the  committee  to  take  steps  to 
prevent  »  consummation  of  the  Queen's  purposes  and  to  have 
guarantees  of  public  safety.  The  Committee  on  Public  Safety 
had  kept  their  purposes  from  the  public  view  at  this  mass 
meeting  and  at  their  small  gatherings  for  fear  of  proceedings 
against  them  by  the  Government  of  the  Queen. 

After  the  mass  meeting  had  closed,  a  call  on  the  American 
Minister  for  troops  was  made  in  the  following  terms,  and  signed 
indiscriminately  by  Germans,  by  Americans,  and  by  Hawaiian 
subjects  of  foreign  extraction: 


HAWAIIAN  ISLANDS, 

HONOLULU,  Jan.  16,  1893. 

To  His  EXCELLENCY  JOHN  L.  STEVENS, 

American  Minister  Resident. 

SIR  :  We,  the  undersigned,  citizens  and  residents  of  Hono- 
lulu, respectfully  represent  that,  in  view  of  public  events  in 
this  kingdom,  culminating  in  the  revolutionary  acts  of  Queen 
Liliuokalani  on  Saturday  last,  the  public  safety  is  menaced  and 
lives  and  property  are  in  peril,  and  we  appeal  to  you  and  the 
United  States  forces  at  your  command  for  assistance. 

The  Queen,  with  the  aid  of  armed  force  and  accompanied  by 
threats  of  violence  and  bloodshed  from  those  with  whom  she 
was  acting,  attempted  to  proclaim  a  new  constitution,  and, 
while  prevented  for  the  time  from  accomplishing  her  object, 
declared  publicly  that  she  would  only  defer  her  action. 

This  conduct  _and  action  was  upon  an  occasion  and  under 
circumstances  which  have  created  general  alarm  and  terror. 

We  are  unable  to  protect  ourselves  without  aid,  and  therefore 
pray  for  the  protection  of  the  United  States  forces. 

HENRY  E.  COOPER, 

F.    W.    McCHESNEY, 

W.  C.  WILDER, 

C.    BOLTK, 

A.  BROWN, 
WILLIAM  0.  SMITH, 


147 


HENKY  WATEBHOUSE, 
THEO.  F.  LANSING, 
ED.  SUHR, 
L.  A.  THOKSTON, 
JOHN  EMMELUTH, 
WILLIAM  R.  CASTLE, 

J.    A.    McCANDLESS, 

Citizens'  Committee  of  Safety. 

The  response  to  that  call  does  not  appear  in  the  files  or  on 
the  records  of  the  American  Legation.  It  therefore  cannot 
speak  for  itself.  The  request  of  the  committee  of  safety  was, 
however,  consented  to  by  the  American  Minister.  The  troops 
were  landed. 

On  that  very  night  the  committee  assembled  at  the  house  of 
Henry  Waterhouse,  one  of  its  members,  living  the  next  door  to 
Mr.  Stevens,  and  finally  determined  on  the  dethronement  of  the 
Queen,  selected  its  officers,  civil  and  military,  and  adjourned  to 
meet  the  next  morning. 

Col.  J.  H.  Soper,  an  American  citizen,  was  selected  to  com- 
mand the  military  forces.  At  this  Waterhouse  meeting  it  was 
assented  to  by  all  that  Mr.  Stevens  had  agreed  with  the  com- 
mittee of  safety  that  in  the  event  it  occupied  the  Government 
building  and  proclaimed  a  Provisional  Government  he  would 
recognize  it  as  a  de  facto  government. 

When  the  troops  were  landed  on  Monday  evening,  January 
16,  about  5  o'clock,  and  began  their  march  through  the  streets 


with  their  small  arms,  artillery,  etc.,  a  great  surprise  burst 
upon  the  community.  To  but  few  was  it  understood.  Not 
much  time  elapsed  before  it  was  given  out  by  members  of  the 
committee  of  safety  that  they  were  designed  to  support  them. 
At  the  palace,  with  the  cabinet,  amongst  the  leaders  of  the 
Queen's  military  forces,  and  the  great  body  of  the  people  who 
were  loyal  to  the  Queen,  the  apprehension  came  that  it  was  a 
movement  hostile  to  the  existing  Government.  Protests  were 
filed  by  the  minister  of  foreign  affairs  and  by  the  governor  of 
the  island  against  the  landing  of  the  troops. 

Messrs.  Parker  and  Peterson  testify  that  on  Tuesday  at  1 
o'clock  they  called  on  Mr.  Stevens,  and  by  him  were  informed 
that  in  the  event  the  Queen's  forces  assailed  the  insurrectionary 
forces  he  would  intervene. 

At  2:30  o'clock  of  the  same  day  the  members  of  the  Pro- 
visional Government  proceeded  to  the  Government  building  in 
squads  and  read  their  proclamation.  They  had  separated  in 
their  march  to  the  Government  building  for  fear  of  observation 
and  arrest.  There  was  no  sign  of  an  insurrectionary  soldier  on 
the  street  The  committee  of  safety  sent  to  the  Government 
building  a  Mr.  A.  S.  Wilcox  to  see  who  was  there,  and  on  being 
informed  that  there  were  no  Government  forces  on  the  grounds, 
proceeded  in  the  manner  1  have  related  and  read  their  procla- 
mations. Just  before  concluding  the  reading  of  their  instru- 
ment fifteen  volunteer  troops  appeared.  Within  a  h"alf  hour 
afterward  some  thirty  or  forty  made  their  appearance. 

A  part  of  the  Queen's  forces,  numbering  224,  were  located  at 


148 


the  station  house,  about  one-third  of  a  mile  from  the  Govern- 
ment building.  The  Queen,  with  a  body  of  50  troops,  was 
located  at  the  palace,  north  of  the  Government  building  about 
400  yards.  A  little  northeast  of  the  palace  and  some  200 
yards  from  it,  at  the  barracks,  was  another  body  of  272  troops. 

These  forces  had  14  pieces  of  artillery,  386  rifles,  and  16 
revolvers.  West  of  the  Government  building  and  across  a 
narrow  street  were  posted  Capt.  Wiltse  and  his  troops,  these 
likewise  having  artillery  and  small-arms. 

The  Government  building  is  in  a  quadrangular-shaped  piece 
of  ground  surrounded  by  streets.  The  American  troops  were  so 
posted  as  to  be  in  front  of  any  movement  of  troops  which 
should  approach  the  Government  building  on  three  sides,  the 
fourth  being  occupied  by  themselves.  Any  attack  on  the  Gov- 
ernment from  the  east  side  would  expose  the  American  troops 
to  the  direct  fire  of  the  attacking  force.  Any  movement  of 
troops  from  the  palace  toward  the  Government  building  in  the 
event  of  a  conflict  between  the  military  forces  would  have  ex- 
posed them  to  the  fire  of  -the  Queen's  troops.  In  fact,  it  would 
have  been  impossible  for  a  struggle  between  the  Queen's 
forces  and  the  forces  of  the  committee  of  safety  to  have 
taken  place  without  exposing  them  to  the  shots  of  the  Queen's 
forces.  To  use  the  language  of  Admiral  Skerrett,  the  American 
troops  were  well  located  if  designed  to  promote  the  movement 
for  the  Provisional  Government  and  very  improperly  located  if 
only  intended  to  protect  American  citizens  in  person  and 
property. 


They  were  doubtless  so  located  to  suggest  to  the  Queen  and 
her  counsellors  that  they  were  in  co-operation  with  the  insur- 
rectionary movement,  and  would  when  the  emergency  arose 
manifest  it  by  active  support. 

It  did  doubtless  suggest  to  the  men  who  read  the  proclama- 
tion that  they  were  having  the  suppport  of  the  American  minis- 
ter and  naval  commander  and  were  safe  from  personal  harm. 

Why  had  the  American  minister  located  the  troops  in  such  a 
situation  and  then  assured  the  members  of  the  committee  of 
safety  that  on  their  occupation  of  the  Government  building  he 
would  recognize  it  as  a  government  de  facto,  and  as  such  give  it 
support  ?  Why  was  the  Government  building  designated  to 
them  as  the  place  which,  when  there  proclamation  was  an- 
nounced therefrom,  would  be  followed  by  his  recognition.  It 
was  not  a  point  of  any  strategic  consequence.  It  did  not 
involve  the  employment  of  a  single  soldier. 

A  building  was  chosen  where  there  were  no  troops  stationed, 
where  there  was  no  struggle  to  be  made  to  obtain  access,  with 
an  American  force  immediately  contiguous,  with  the  mass  of  the 
population  impressed  with  its  unfriendly  attitude.  Aye,  more 
than  this — before  any  demand  for  surrender  had  even  been 
made  on  the  Queen  or  on  the  commander  or  any  officer  of  any  of 
her  military  forces  at  any  of  the  points  where  her  troops  were 
located,  the  American  minister  had  recognized  the  Provisional 
Government  and  was  ready  to  give  it  the  support  of  the 
United  States  troops  ! 

Mr.  Damon,  the  vice-president  of  the  Provisional  Government 


149 


and  a  member  of  the  advisory  council,  first  went  to  the  station 
house,  which  was  in  command  of  Marshal  Wilson.  The  cabinet 
was  there  located.  The  vice-president  importuned  the  cabinet 
and  the  military  commander  to  yield  up  the  military  forces  on 
the  ground  that  the  American  minister  had  recognized  the  Pro- 
visional Government  and  that  there  ought  to  be  no  blood  shed. 

After  considerable  conference  between  Mr.  Damon  and  the 
ministers  he  and  they  went  to  the  Government  building. 

The  cabinet  then  and  there  was  prevailed  upon  to  go  with 
the  vice-president  and  some  other  friends  to  the  Queen  and 
urge  her  to  acquiesce  in  the  situation.  It  was  pressed  upon  her 
by  the  ministers  and  other  persons  at  that  conference  that  it 
was  useless  for  her  to  make  any  contest,  because  it  was  one  with 
the  United  States  ;  that  she  could  file  her  protest  against  what 
had  taken  place  and  would  be  entitled  to  a  hearing  in  the  city 
of  Washington.  After  consideration  of  more  than  an  hour  she 
finally  concluded,  under  the  advice  of  her  cabinet  and  friends, 
to  order  the  delivery  up  of  her  military  forces  to  the  Provisional 
Government  under  protest.  That  paper  is  in  the  following 
form  : 

I,  Liliuqkalani,  by  the  grace  of  God  and  under  the  constitu- 
tion of  the  Hawaiian  Kingdom,  Queen,  do  hereby  solemnly 
protest  against  any  and  all  acts  done  against  myself  and  the 
constitutional  Government  of  the  Hawaiian  Kingdom  by  cer- 
tain persons  claiming  to  have  established  a'  provisional  govern- 
ment of  and  for  this  kingdom. 


That  I  yield  to  the  superior  force  of  the  United  States  of 
America,  whose  minister  plenipotentiary,  His  Excellency  John 
L.  Stevens,  has  caused  United  States  troops  to  be  landed  at 
Honolulu  and  declared  that  he  would  support  the  said  pro- 
visional government. 

Now,  to  avoid  any  collision  of  armed  forces  and  perhaps  the 
loss  of  life,  [  do,  under  this  protest,  and  impelled  by  said  force, 
yield  my  authority  until  such  time  as  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  shall,  upon  the  facts  being  presented  to  it,  undo 
the  action  of  its  representatives  and  reinstate  me  in  the  authority 
which  I  claim  as  the  constitutional  sovereign  of  the  Hawaiian 
Islands. 

Done  at  Honolulu  this  17th  day  of  January,  A.  D.  1893. 

LlLIUOKALANI,    R. 

SAMUEL  PARKER, 

Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs. 
WM.  H.  CORNWELL, 

Minister  of  Finance. 
JOHN.  F.  COLBURN, 

Minister  of  Interior. 
A.  P.  PETERSON, 

Attorney-General. 

All  this  was  accomplished  without  the  firing  of  a  gun,  with- 
out a  demand  for  surrender  on  the  part  of  the  insurrec- 
tionary forces  until  they  had  been  converted  into  a  de  facto 
government  by  the  recognition  of  the  American  minister 


150 


with  American  troops,  then  ready  to  interfere  in  the  event  of 
an  attack. 

In  pursuance  of  a  prearranged  plan,  the  Government  thus 
established  hastened  off  commissioners  to  Washington  to 
make  a  treaty  for  the  purpose  of  annexing  the  Hawaiian 
Islands  to  the  United  States. 

During  the  progress  of  the  movement  the  committee  of 
safety  alarmed  at  the  fact  that  the  insurrectionists  had  no 
troops  and  no  organization,  despatched  to  Mr.  Stevens  three 
persons,  to  wit :  Messrs.  L.  A.  Thurston,  W.  C.  Wilder  and  H. 
F.  Glade,  "to  inform  him  of  the  situation  and  ascertain  from 
him  what  if  any  protection  or  assistance  could  be  afforded  by 
the  United  States  for  the  protection  of  life  and  property,  the 
unanimous  sentiment  and  feeling  being  that  life  and  property 
were  in  danger."  Mr.  Thurston  is  a  native-born  subject ;  Mr. 
Wilder  is  of  American  origin,  but  has  absolved  his  allegiance  to 
the  United  States  and  is  a  naturalized  subject ;  Mr.  Glade  is  a 
German  subject. 

The  declaration  as  to  the  purposes  of  the  Queen  contained  in 
the  formal  request  for  the  appointment  of  a  committee  of  safety 
in  view  of  the  facts  which  have  been  recited,  to  wit,  the  action 
of  the  Queen  and  her  cabinet,  the  action  of  the  Royalist  mass 
meeting,  and  the  peaceful  movement  of  her  followers,  indicating 
assurances  of  their  abandonment,  seem  strained  in  so  far  as 
any  situation  then  requiring  the  landing  of  troops  might  exact. 

The  request  was  made,  too,  by  men  avowedly  intending  to 
overthrow  the  existing  government  and  substitute  a  provisional 


government  therefor,  and  who,  with  such  purpose  in  progress  of 
being  effected,  could  not  proceed  therewith,  but  fearing  arrest 
and  imprisonment  and  without  any  thought  of  abandoning 
that  purpose,  sought  the  aid  of  the  American  troops  in  this 
situation  to  prevent  any  harm  to  their  persons  and  property. 
To  consent  to  an  application  for  such  a  purpose  without  any 
suggestion  dissuading  the  applicants  from  it  on  the  part  of  the 
American  minister,  with  naval  forces  under  his  command, 
could  not  otherwise  be  construed  than  as  complicity  with  their 
plans. 

The  committee,  to  use  their  own  language,  say :  "  We  are 
unable  to  protect  ourselves  without  aid,  and,  therefore,  pray  for 
the  protection  of  the  United  States  forces." 

In  less  than  thirty  hours  the  petitioners  have  overturned  the 
throne,  established  a  new  government,  and  obtained  the  recog- 
nition of  foreign  powers. 

Let  us  see  whether  any  of  these  petitioners  are  American 
citizens,  and  if  so  whether  they  were  entitled  to  protection, 
and  if  entitled  to  protection  at  this  point  whether  or  not 
subsequently  thereto  their  conduct  was  such  as  could  be 
sanctioned  as  proper  on  the  part  of  American  citizens  in  a 
foreign  country. 

Mr.  Henry  E.  Cooper  is  an  American  citizen  ;  was  a  member 
of  the  committe  of  safety  ;  was  a  participant  from  the  begin- 
ning in  their  schemes  to  overthrow  the  Queen,  establish  a 
Provisional  Government,  and  visited  Capt.  Wiltse's  vessel,  with 
a  view  of  securing  the  aid  of  American  troops,  and  made  an 


151 


encouraging  report  thereon.  He  an  American  citizen,  read  the 
proclamation  dethroning  the  Queen  and  establishing  the  Provi- 
sional Government. 

Mr.  F.  W.  McChesney  is  an  American  citizen  ;  was  co-operat- 
ing in  the  revolutionary  movement,  and  had  been  a  member  of 
the  advisory  council  from  its  inception. 

Mr.  W.  C.  Wilder  is  a  naturalized  citizen  of  the  Hawaiian 
Islands,  owing  no  allegiance  to  any  other  country.  He  was  one 
of  the  original  members  of  the  advisory  council,  and  one  of  the 
orators  in  the  mass  meeting  on  the  morning  of  January  16. 

Mr.  C.  Bolte  is  of  German  origin,  but  a  regularly  naturalized 
citizen  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands. 

Mr.  A.  Brown  is  a  Scotchman  and  has  never  been  naturalized. 
Mr.  W.  0.  Smith  is  a  native  of  foreign  origin  and  a  subject  of 
the  Islands. 

Mr.  Henry  Waterhouse,  originally  from  Tasmania,  is  a 
naturalized  citizen  of  the  Islands. 

Mr.  Theo.  F.  Lansing  is  a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  owing 
and  claiming  allegiance  thereto.  He  has  never  been  natural- 
ized in  this  country. 

Mr.  Ed.  Suhr  is  a  German  subject. 

Mr.  L.  A.  Thurston  is  a  native-born  subject  of  the  Hawaiian 
Islands,  of  foreign  origin. 

Mr.  John  Emmeluth  is  an  American  citizen. 

Mr.  W.  R.  Castle  is  a  Hawaiian  of  foreign  parentage. 

Mr.  J.  A.  McCandless  is  a  citizen  of  the  United  States — never 
having  been  naturalized  here. 


Six  are  Hawaiians  subjects  ;  five  are  American  citizens  ;  one 
English  and  one  German.  A  majority  are  foreign  subjects. 

It  will  be  observed  that  they  sign  as  "  Citizens'  committee  of 
safety." 

This  is  the  first  time  American  troops  were  ever  landed  on 
these  islands  at  the  instance  of  a  committee  of  safety  without 
notice  to  the  existing  government. 

It  is  to  be  observed  that  they  claim  to  be  a  citizens'  commit- 
tee of  safety  and  that  they  are  not  simply  applicants  for  the 
protection  of  the  property  and  lives  of  American  citizens. 

The  chief  actors  in  this  movement  were  Messrs.  L.  A.  Thurs- 
ton and  W.  0.  Smith. 

Alluding  to  the  meeting  of  the  committee  of  safety  held  at 
Mr.  W.  R.  Castle's  on  Sunday  afternoon,  January  15,  Mr.  W. 
0.  Smith  says  : 

".After  we  adjourned  Mr.  Thurston  and  I  called  upon  the 
American  minister  again  and  informed  him  of  what  was  being 
done.  Among  other  things  we  talked  over  with  him  what  had 
"  better  be  done  in  case  of  our  being  arrested,  or  extreme  or 
violent  measures  being  taken  by  the  monarchy  in  regard  to  us. 
We  did  not  know  what  steps  would  be  taken,  and  there  was  a 
feeling  of  great  unrest  and  sense  of  danger  in  the  community. 
Mr.  Stevens  gave  assurance  of  his  earnest  purpose  to  afford  all 
the  protection  that  was  in  his  power  to  protect  life  and  pro- 
perty. He  emphasized  the  fact  that  while  he  would  call  for 
the  United  States  troops  to  protect  life  and  property,  he  could 
not  recognize  any  government  until  actually  established." 


152 


IN  RATTAN  & 


Mr.  Damon,  the  vice-president  of  the  Provisional  Goverment,      origin,  led  and  directed  by  two  native  subjects  of  the  Hawaiian 


returning  from  the  country  on  the  evening  of  the  16th,  and 
seeing  the  troops  in  the  streets,  inquired  of  Mr.  Henry  Water- 
house,  "  Henry,  what  does  all  this  mean  ?  "  To  which  he  says, 
if  he  "  remembers  rightly,"  Mr.  Waterhouse  replied,  "  It  is  all 
up  !  "  On  being  questioned  by  me  as  to  his  understanding  of 
the  expression,  "  It  is  all  up,"  he  said  h&  understood  from  it 
that  the  American  troops  had  taken  possession  of  the  island. 

Mr.  C.  L.  Carter,  at  the  government  house,  assured  Mr. 
Damon  that  the  United  States  troops  would  protect  them.  Mr. 
Damon  was  astonished  when  they  were  not  immediately 
marched  over  from  Arion  Hall  to  the  government  building  and 
became  uneasy.  He  only  saw  protection  in  the  bodily  presence 
of  the  American  troops  in  this  building.  The  committee  of 
safety,  with  its  frequent  interviews  with  Mr.  Stevens,  saw  it  in 
the  significance  of  the  position  occupied  by  the  United  States 
troops  and  in  the  assurance  of  Mr.  Stevens  that  he  would  inter- 
fere for  the  purpose  of  protecting  life  and  property,  and  that 
when  they  should  have  occupied  the  government  building  and 
read  their  proclamation  dethroning  the  Queen  and  establishing 
the  Provisional  Government  he  would  recognize  it. 

The  committee  of  safety,  recognizing  the  fact  that  the  land- 
ing of  the  troops  under  existing  circumstances  could,  according 
to  all  law  and  precedent,  be  done  only  on  the  request  of  the 
existing  Government,  having  failed  in  utilizing  the  Queen's 
Cabinet,  resorted  to  the  new  device  of  a  committee  of  safety 
made  up  of  Germans,  British,  Americans,  and  natives  of  foreign 


Islands. 

With  these  leaders,  subjects  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands,  the 
American  minister  consulted  freely  as  to  the  revolutionary 
movement  and  gave  them  assurance  of  protection  from  danger 
at  the  hands  of  the  royal  Government  and  forces. 

On  January  17,  the  following  communication,  prepared  at 
the  station  house,  which  is  one-third  of  a  mile  from  the  Govern- 
ment building  and  two-thirds  of  a  mile  from  the  residence  of 
the  American  minister,  was  sent  to  him  : 

DEPARTMENT  OF  FOREIGN  AFFAIRS, 

HONOLULU,  January  17,  1893. 

To  His  EXCELLENCY  JOHN  L.  STEVENS, 

Envoy  Extraordinary  and  Minister  Plenipotentiary,  etc.: 

SIR  :  Her  Hawaiian  Majesty's  Government,  having  been 
informed  that  certain  persons  to  them  unknown,  have  issued 
proclamation  declaring  a  Provisional  Government  to  exist  in 
opposition  to  Her  Majesty's  Government,  and  having  pretended 
to  depose  the  Queen,  her  cabinet  and  marshal,  and  that  treason- 
able persons  at  present  occupy  the  Government  building  in 
Honolulu  with  an  armed  force,  and  pretending  that  your 
excellency,  on  behalf  of  the  United  States  of  America,  has 
recognized  such  Provisional  Government,  Her  Majesty's  Cabinet 
asks  respectfully,  has  your  excellency  recognized  said  Provi- 
sional Government,  and,  if  not,  Her  Majesty's  Government 


153 


under  the  above  existing  circumstances  respectfully  requests 
the  assistance  of  your  Government  in  preserving  the  peace  of 
the  country. 

We  have  the  honor  to  be  your  excellency's  obedient  servants, 

SAMUEL  PARKER, 

Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs. 
WM.  H.  CORNWELL, 

Minister  of  Finance. 
JOHN  F.  COLBURN, 

Minister  of  the  Interior. 
A.  P.  PETERSON, 

A  ttorney-  Gene  ml. 

In  it  will  be  observed  the  declaration  that  the  Provisional 
Government  is  claiming  to  have  had  his  recognition.  The 
reply  of  Mr.  Stevens  is  not  to  he  found  in  the  records  or  files 
of  the  legation,  but  on  those  records  appears  the  following 
entry  : 

UNITED  STATES  LEGATION, 

HONOLULU,  January  17,  1893. 

About  4  to  5  P.  M.  of  this  date — -am  not  certain  of  the  precise 
time — the  note  on  file  from  the  four  ministers  of  the  deposed 
Queen,  inquiring  if  I  had  recognized  the  Provisional  Govern- 
ment, came  to  my  hands  while  I  was  lying  sick  on  the  couch. 
Not  far  from  5  P.  M. — I  did  not  think  to  look  at  my  watch — I 
addressed  a  short  note  to  Hon.  Samuel  Parker,  Hon.  Wm.  H. 


Cornwell,  Hon.  John  F.  Colburn,  and  Hon.  A.  P.  Peterson,  no 
longer  regarding  them  as  ministers,  informing  them  that  I  had 
recognized  the  Provisional  Government. 

JOHN  L.  STEVENS, 

United  States  Minister. 

This  communication  was  received  at  the  station  house  and 
read  by  all  of  the  ministers  and  by  a  number  of  other  persons. 

After  this  Mr.  Samuel  M;  Damon,  the  vice-president  of  the 
Provisional  Government,  and  Mr.  Bolte,  a  member  of  the  ad- 
visory council,  came  to  the  station  house  and  gave  information 
of  the  proclamation  and  asked  for  the  delivery  up  of  the  station 
house,  the  former  urging  that  the  government  had  been  recog- 
nized by  the  American  minister,  and  that  any  struggle  would 
cause  useless  bloodshed. 

The  marshal  declared  that  he  was  able  to  cope  with  the  forces 
of  the  Provisional  Government  and  those  of  the  United  States 
successfully  if  the  latter  interfered,  and  that  he  would  not 
surrender  except  by  the  written  order  of  the  Queen. 

After  considerable  conference,  the  cabinet  went  with  Messrs. 
Damon  and  Bolte  to  the  Government  building  and  met  the 
Provisional  Government,  and  there  indicated  a  disposition  to 
yield,  but  said  that  they  must  first  consult  with  the  Queen. 

The  members  of  the  Queen's  cabinet,  accompanied  by  Mr. 
Damon,  preceded  by  the  police,  and  met  the  Queen.  There 
were  also  present  Messrs.  H.  A.  Widemann,  Paul  Neumann, 
E.  C.  Macfarlane,  J.  0.  Carter,  and  others. 

154 


As  to  what  occurred  there  I  invite  your  attention  to  the  fol-      in  the  matter  longer  ;    that  it  was  wiser  for  her  to  abdicate 


lowing  statement,  made  by  the  vice-president  of  the  Provi- 
sional Government,  and  certified  by  him  to  be  correct : 

Q.  In  that  conversation  you  asked  for  a  surrender  of  the 
forces  and  the  ministers  advised  it  ? 

A.  The  different  ones  spoke  and  they  all  recommended  it. 
Each  one  spoke.  At  first  Judge  Wideman  was  opposed  to  it, 
but  he  finally  changed  his  mind  on  the  advice  of  Mr.  Neumann. 
Mr.  Neumann  advised  yielding.  Each  one  advised  it. 

Q.  Was  the  advice  of  Neumann  and  the  cabinet  based  on 
the  idea  that  the  Queeen  would  have  to  contend  with  the 
United  States  forces  as  well  as  the  forces  of  the  Provisional 
Government  ? 

A.  It  was  the  Queen's  idea  that  she  could  surrender  pend- 
ing a  settlement  at  Washington,  and  it  was  on  that  condition 
that  she  gave  up.  If  I  remember  right  I  spoke  to  her  also.  I 
said  she  could  surrender  or  abdicate  under  protest. 

Q.  And  that  the  protest  would  be  considered  at  a  later 
period  at  Washington  ? 

A.     At  a  later  period. 

******* 

I  knew  it  was  the  Queen's  idea  that  Mr.  Stevens  was  in  sym- 
pathy with  this  movement. 

Q.  But  I  am  asking  now  as  to  what  reasons  the  ministers 
gave  for  her  acquiescence  ? 

A.  It  was  their  idea  that  it  was  useless  to  carry  on  :  that  it 
would  be  provocative  of  bloodshed  and  trouble  if  she  persisted 


under  protest  and  have  a  hearing  at  a  later  time  ;  that  the 
forces  against  her  were  too  strong. 

Q.     Did  they  indicate  the  United  States  forces  in  any  way  ? 

A.     I  do  not  remember  their  doing  so. 

Q.  Do  you  know  whether  or  not  at  that  time  they  were 
under  the  impression  that  the  United  States  forces  were  in  sym- 
pathy with  the  revolution  ? 

A.     Beyond  an  impression  I  know  nothing  definite. 

Q.  What  was  the  result  of  this  conference  with  the  Queen  ? 
What  was  agreed  on  ? 

A.     She  signed  a  document  surrendering  her  rights  to   the 

Provisional  Government  under  protest. 

******* 

She  was  reluctant  to  agree  to  this,  but  was  advised  that  the 
whole  subject  would  come  up  for  final  consideration  at  Wash- 
ington. 

******* 

I  did  tell  her  that  she  would  have  a  perfect  right  to  be  heard 
at  a  later  period. 

Q.     By  the  United  States  Government  ? 

A.     Yes. 

All  the  persons  present  except  Mr.  Damon  formally  state  and 
certify  that  in  this  discussion  it  was  conceded  by  all  that  Mr. 
Stevens  had  recognized  the  Provisional  Government.  This 
Mr.  Damon  says  he  does  not  clearly  recollect,  but  that  he  is 
under  the  impression  that  at  that  time  the  Provisional  Govern- 


155 


ment  had  been  recognized.  Save  Mr.  Damon,  these  witnesses 
testify  to  the  impression  made  on  their  minds  and  on  that  of 
the  Queen  that  the  American  minister  and  the  American  naval 
commander  were  co-operating  in  the  insurrectionary  movement. 

As  a  result  of  the  conference,  there  was  then  and  there  pre- 
pared the  protest  which  has  been  cited. 

The  time  occupied  in  this  conference  is  indicated  in  the  fol- 
lowing language  by  Mr.  Damon  : 

We  went  over  (to  the  Palace)  between  4  and  5  and  remained 
until  6  discussing  the  situation. 

Mr.  Damon  and  the  cabinet  returned  to  the  Provisional  Gov- 
ernment, presented  the  protest,  and  President  Dole  indorsed  on 
the  same  : 

Received  by  the  hands  of  the  late  cabinet  this  18th  day  of 
January,  A.  D.  1893. 

S.  B.  DOLE, 

Chairman  of  the  Kvecuiive  Council  of 
Provisional  Government. 

After  this  protest  the  Queen  ordered  the  delivery  of  the 
station  house,  where  was  an  important  portion  of  the  military 
forces,  and  the  barracks,  where  was  another  force. 

The  statements  of  many  witnesses  at  the  station  house  and  at 
the  conference  with  the  Queen,  that  the  reply  of  Mr.  Stevens  to 
the  cabinet  on  the  subject  of  recognition  had  taken  place,  are 
not  contradicted  by  Mr.  Damon  ;  but  when  inquired  touching 
these  matters,  he  uses  such  expressions  as  "  I  can  not  remem- 
ber. It  might  have  been  so." 


Mr.  Damon  says  that  he  is  under  the  impression  that  he 
knew  when  he  went  to  this  conference  with  the  Queen  that  the 
recognition  had  taken  place. 

Mr.  Bolte,  another  member  of  the  Provisional  Government, 
in  a  formal  statement  made  and  certified  to  by  him,  shows  very 
much  confusion  of  memory,  but  says:  "I  can  not  say  what 
time  in  the  day  Mr.  Stevens  sent  his  recognition."  He  thinks 
it  was  after  sunset. 

Mr.  Henry  Waterhouse,  another  member  of  the  Provisional 
Government,  says  :  "  We  had  taken  possession  of  the  barracks 
and  station  house  before  the  recognition  took  place." 

It  will  be  observed  that  I  have  taken  the  communication  of 
the  Queen's  ministers  and  the  memorandum  of  Mr.  Stevens  as 
to  his  reply  and  the  time  thereof,  to  wit :  "  Not  far  from  5 
p.  m.  I  did  not  think  to  look  at  my  watch." 

This  information  was  then  transmitted  to  the  station  house, 
a  distance  of  two-thirds  of  a  mile,  and  before  the  arrival  of 
Messrs.  Damon  and  Bolte.  This  fact  is  supported  by  nine  per- 
sons present  at  the  interview  with  Mr.  Damon  and  Mr.  Bolte. 
Then  another  period  of  time  intervenes  between  the  departure 
of  Mr.  Damon  and  Mr.  Bolte.  Then  another  period  of  time 
intervenes  between  the  departure  of  Mr.  Damon  and  the  cabinet, 
passing  over  a  distance  of  one-third  of  a  mile  to  the  Govern- 
ment Building.  Then  some  further  time  is  consumed  in  a  con- 
ference with  the  Provisional  Government  before  the  departure 
of  Mr.  Damon .  and  the  cabinet  to  the  palace,  were  was  the 
Queen.  The  testimony  of  all  persons  present  proves  that  the 


156 


recognition  by  Mr.  Stevens  had  then  taken  place.  Subsequent 
to  the  signing  of  the  protest  occurred  the  turning  over  of  the 
military  to  the  Provisional  Government. 

Inquiry  as  to  the  credibity  of  all  these  witnesses  satisfies  me 
as  to  their  character  for  veracity,  save  one  person,  Mr.  Colburn. 
He  is  a  merchant,  and  it  is  said  he  makes  misstatements 
in  business  transactions.  No  man  can  reasonably  doubt  the 
truth  of  the  statements  of  the  witnesses  that  Mr.  Stevens  had 
recognized  the  Provisional  Government  before  Messrs.  Damon 
and  Bolte  went  to  the  station  house. 

Recurring  to  Mr.  Stevens'  statement  as  to  the  time  of  his 
reply  to  the  letter  of  the  cabinet,  it  does  not  appear  how  long 
before  this  reply  he  had  recognized  the  Provisional  Govern- 
ment. Some  witnesses  fix  it  at  three  and  some  at  half-past 
three.  According  to  Mr.  Damon  he  went  over  with  the  cabinet 
to  meet  the  Queen  between  four  and  five,  and  taking  into  account 
the  periods  of  time  as  indicated  by  the  several  events  antece- 
dent to  this  visit  to  the  palace,  it  is  quite  probable  that  the 
recognition  took  place  in  the  neighborhood  of  three  o'clock. 
This  would  be  within  one-half  hour  from  the  time  that  Mr. 
Cooper  commenced  to  read  the  proclamation  establishing  that 
Government,  and  allowing  twenty  minutes  for  its  reading,  in 
ten  minutes  thereafter  the  recognition  must  have  taken  place. 

Assuming  that  the  recognition  took  place  at  half-past  three 
there  was  not  at  the  Government  building  with  the  Provisional 
Government  exceeding  60  raw  soldiers. 

In  conversation  with  me  Mr.  Stevens  said  that  he  knew  the 


barracks  and  station-house  had  not  been  delivered  up  when  he 
recognized  the  Provisional  Government ;  that  he  did  not  care 
anything  about  that,  for  25  men,  well  armed,  could  have  run 
the  whole  crowd. 

There  appears  on  the  files  of  the  legation  this  communication: 

GOVERNMENT  BUILDING, 

HONOLULU,  January  17,  1893. 

His  EXCELLENCY  JOHN  L.  STEVENS, 

United  States  Minister  Resident. 

SIR  : — I  acknowledge  receipt  of  your  valued  communication 
of  this  day,  recognizing  the  Hawaiian  Provisional  Government, 
and  express  deep  appreciation  of  the  same. 

We  have  conferred  with  the  ministers  of  the  late  government 
and  have  made  demand  upon  the  marshal  to  surrender  the 
station-house.  We  are  not  actually  yet  in  possession  of  the 
station-house  ;  but  as  night  is  approaching  and  our  forces  may 
be  insufficient  to  maintain  order,  we  request  the  immediate 
support  of  the  United  States  forces,  and  would  request  that  the 
commander  of  the  U.  S.  forces  take  command  of  our  military 
forces,  so  that  they  may  act  together  for  the  protection  of  the 
city.  Respectfully  yours, 

SANFORD  B.  DOLE, 
Chairman  Executive  Council. 


After  the  recognition  by  Mr.  Stevens,  Mr.  Dole  thus  informs 
him  of  his  having  seen  the  Queen's  Cabinet  and  demanded  the 


157 


surrender  of  the  forces  at  the  station-house.  This  paper  con- 
tains the  evidence  that  before  Mr.  Dole  had  ever  had  any 
conference  with  the  Queen's  ministers,  or  made  any  demand  for 
the  surrender  of  her  military  forces,  the  Provisional  Govern- 
ment had  been  recognized  by  Mr.  Stevens. 

On  this  paper  is  written  the  following  : 

"  The  above  request  not  complied  with. — STEVENS." 

This  is  the  only  reference  to  it  to  be  found  on  the  records  or 
among  the  files  of  the  legation. 

This  memorandum  is  not  dated. 

With  the  Provisional  Government  and  its  forces  in  a  two-acre 
lot,  and  the  Queen's  forces  undisturbed  by  their  presence,  this 
formal,  dignified  declaration  on  the  part  of  the  President  of  the 
Provisional  Government  to  the  American  minister,  after  first 
thanking  him  for  his  recognition,  informing  him  of  his  meet- 
ing with  the  Queen's  cabinet  and  admitting  that  the  station- 
house  had  not  been  surrendered,  and  stating  that  his  forces 
may  not  be  sufficient  to  maintain  order,  and  asking  that  the 
American  commander  unite  the  forces  of  the  United  States 
with  those  of  the  Provisional  Government  to  protect  the  city, 
is  in  ludicrous  contrast  with  the  declaration  of  the  American 
minister  in  his  previous  letter  of  recognition  that  the  Provi- 
sional Government  was  in  full  possession  of  the  Government 
buildings,  the  archives,  the  treasury,  and  in  control  of  the 
Hawaiian  capital. 


In  Mr.  Steven's  dispatch  to  Mr.  Foster,  No.  79,  January  18, 
1893,  is  this  paragraph  : 

"  As  soon  as  practicable  a  Provisional  Government  was  con- 
stituted, composed  of  four  highly  respectable  men,  with  Judge 
Dole  at  the  head,  he  having  resigned  his  place  on  the  supreme 
bench  to  assume  this  responsibility.  He  was  born  in  Honolulu 
of  American  parentage,  educated  here  and  in  the  United  States, 
and  is  of  the  highest  reputation  among  all  citizens,  both 
natives  and  whites.  P.  C.  Jones  is  a  native  of  Boston,  Mass., 
wealthy,  possessing  property  interests  in  the  island,  and  a  resi- 
dent here  for  many  years.  The  other  two  member  are  of  the 
highest  respectability.  The  committee  of  public  safety  forth- 
with took  possession  of  the  Government  buildings,  archives  and 
treasury,  and  installed  the  Provisional  Government  at  the 
heads  of  the  respective  departments.  This  being  an  accom- 
plished fact,  I  promptly  recognized  the  Provisional  Gorernment  as 
the  DE  FACTO  government  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands.  The  English 
minister,  the  Portuguese  charge  d'affaires,  the  French  and  the 
Japanese  commissioners  promptly  did  the  same  ;  these,  with 
myself,  being  the  only  members  of  the  diplomatic  corps 
residing  here." 

Read  in  the  light  of  what  has  immediately  preceded,  it  is 
clear  that  he  recognized  the  Provisional  Government  very  soon 
after  the  proclamation  of  it  was  made.  This  proclamation 
announced  the  organization  of  the  Government,  its  forms  and 
officials.  The  quick  recognition  was  the  performance  of  his 
pledge  to  the  committee  of  safety.  The  recognition  by  foreign 


158 


powers,  as  herein  stated,  is  incorrect.  They  are  dated  on  the 
18th,  the  day  following  that  of  Mr.  Stevens*. 

On  the  day  of  the  revolution  neither  the  Portuguese  charge 
d'affaires  nor  the  French  commissioner  had  any  communication, 
written  or  oral,  with  the  Provisional  Government  until  after 
dark,  when  they  went  to  the  Government  building  to  under- 
stand the  situation  of  affairs.  They  did  not  then  announce 
their  recognition. 

The  British  minister,  several  hours  after  Mr.  Stevens'  recog- 
nition, believing  that  the  Provisional  Government  was  sustained 
by  the  American  minister  and  naval  forces,  and  that  the 
Queen's  troops  could  not  and  ought  not  to  enter  into  a  struggle 
with  the  United  States  forces,  and  having  so  previously 
informed  the  Queen's  cabinet,  did  go  to  the  Provisional  Govern- 
ment and  indicate  his  purpose  to  recognize  it. 

I  can  not  assure  myself  about  the  action  of  the  Japanese 
commissioner.  Mr.  Stevens  was  at  his  home  sick,  and  some 
one  evidently  misinformed  him  as  to  the  three  first. 

In  a  letter  of  the  Hawaiian  commissioners  to  Mr.  Foster, 
dated  February  11,  is  this  paragraph  : 

"  Sixth.  At  the  time  the  Provisional  Government  took 
possession  of  the  Government  buildings  no  American  troops 
or  officers  were  present  or  took  part  in  such  proceedings  in  any 
manner  whatever.  No  public  recognition  was  accorded  the 
Provisional  Government  by  the  American  minister  until  they 
were  in  possession  of  the  Government  buildings,  the  archives, 
and  the  treasury,  supported  by  several  hundred  armed  men  and 


after  the  abdication  by  the  Queen  and  the  surrender  to  the  Provi- 
sional Government  of  her  forces." 

Mark  the  words,  "  and  after  the  abdication  by  the  Queen  and 
the  surrender  to  the  Provisional  Government  of  her  forces."  It 
is  signed  L.  A.  Thurston,  W.  C.  Wilder,  William  R.  Castle,  J. 
Marsden,  and  Charles  L.  Carter. 

Did  the  spirit  of  annexation  mislead  these  gentlemen.  If 
not,  what  malign  influence  tempted  President  Dole  to  a  con- 
trary statement  in  his  cited  letter  to  the  American  minister  ? 

The  Government  building  is  a  tasteful  structure,  with  ample 
space  for  the  wants  of  a  city  government  of  20,000  people.  It 
is  near  the  center  of  a  2-acre  lot.  In  it  the  legislature  and 
supreme  court  hold  their  sessions  and  the  cabinet  ministers 
have  their  offices. 

In  one  corner  of  this  lot  in  the  rear  is  an  ordinary  two- 
story  structure  containing  eight  rooms.  This  building  was 
used  by  the  tax  assessor,  the  superintendent  of  waterworks, 
and  the  Government  survey  office.  In  another  corner  is  a 
small  wooden  structure  containing  two  rooms  used  by  the 
board  of  health. 

These  constitute  what  is  termed  in  the  correspondence 
between  the  Provisional  Government  and  the  American  minis- 
ter and  the  government  of  the  United  States  "  government 
departmental  buildings." 

Whatever  lack  of  harmony  of  statement  as  to  time  may 
appear  in  the  evidence,  the  statements  in  documents  and  the 
consecutive  order  of  events  in  which  the  witnesses  agree,  all  do 


159 


force  us  to  but  one  conclusion — that  the  American  minister 
recognized  the  Provisional  Government  on  the  simple  fact  that 
it  had  entered  a  house  designated  sometimes  as  the  Government 
building  and  sometimes  as  Aliiolani  Hale  (sic),  which  had 
never  been  regarded  as  tenable  in  military  operations  and  was 
not  so  regarded  by  the  Queen's  officers  in  the  disposition  of 
their  military  forces,  these  being  at  the  station  house,  at  the 
palace,  and  at  the  barracks. 

Mr.  Stevens  consulted  freely  with  the  leaders  of  the  revolu- 
tionary movement  from  the  evening  of  the  14th.  These  dis- 
closed to  him  all  their  plans.  They  feared  arrest  and  punish- 
ment. He  promised  them  protection.  They  needed  the  troops 
on  shore  to  overawe  the  Queen's  supporters  and  Government. 
This  he  agreed  to  and  did  furnish.  The  had  few  arms  and  no 
trained  soldiers.  They  did  not  mean  to  fight.  It  was  arranged 
between  them  and  the  American  minister  that  the  proclama- 
tion dethroning  the  Queen  and  organizing  a  provisional  govern- 
ment should  be  read  from  the  Government  building  and  he  would 
follow  it  with  a  speedy  recognition.  All  this  was  to  be  done 
with  American  troops  provided  with  small-arms  and  artillery 
across  a  narrow  street  within  a  stone's  throw.  This  was  done. 

Then  commenced  arguments  and  importunities  to  the  mili- 
tary commander  and  the  Queen  that  the  United  States  had 
recognized  the  Provisional  Government  and  would  support  it ; 
that  for  them  to  persist  involved  useless  bloodshed. 

No  soldier  of  the  Provisional  Government  ever  left  the  two 
acre  lot. 


The  Queen  finally  surrendered,  not  to  these  soldiers  and  their 
leaders  but  to  the  Provisional  Government  on  the  conviction 
that  the  American  minister  and  the  American  troops  were 
promoters  and  supporters  of  the  revolution,  and  that  she  could 
only  appeal  to  the  Government  of  the  United  States  to  render 
justice  to  her. 

The  leaders  of  the  revolutionary  movement  would  not  have 
under-taken  it  but  for  Mr.  Stevens'  promise  to  protect  them 
against  any  danger  from  the  Government.  But  for  this  their 
mass  meeting  would  not  have  been  held.  But  for  this  no 
request  to  land  the  troops  would  have  been  made.  Had  the 
troops  not  been  landed  no  measures  for  the  organization  of  a 
new  Government  would  have  been  taken. 

The  American  minister  and  the  revolutionary  leaders  had 
determined  on  annexation  to  the  United  States,  and  had  agreed 
on  the  part  each  was  to  act  to  the  very  end. 

Prior  to  1887  two-thirds  of  the  foreigners  did  not  become 
naturalized.  The  Americans,  British  and  Germans  especially 
would  not  give  up  the  protection  of  those  strong  governments 
and  rely  upon  that  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands.  To  such  persons 
the  constitution  of  1887  declared  :  "  We  need  your  vote  to  over- 
come that  of  our  own  native  subjects.  Take  the  oath  to 
support  the  Hawaiian  Government,  with  a  distinct  reservation 
of  allegiance  to  your  own."  Two-thirds  of  the  Europeans  and 
Americans  now  voting  were  thus  induced  to  vote  in  a  strange 
country  with  the  pledge  that  such  act  did  not  affect  their  citi- 
zenship to  their  native  country.  The  purport  and  form  of  this 


160 


affidavit  appear  in  the  citations  from  the  constitution  of  1887 
and  the  form  of  oath  of  a  foreign  voter. 

The  list  of  registered  voters  of  American  und  European  origin, 
including  Portuguese,  discloses  3,715;  2,091  of  this  number  are 
Portuguese.  Only  eight  of  these  imported  Portuguese  have 
ever  been  naturalized  in  these  islands.  To  this  should  be 
added  106  persons,  mostly  negroes,  from  the  Cape  Verde  Islands, 
who  came  here  voluntarily  several  years  prior  to  the  period  of 
state  importation  of  laborers. 

The  commander  of  the  military  forces  of  the  Provisional 
Government  on  the  day  of  the  dethroning  of  the  Queen  and  up 
to  this  hour  has  never  given  up  his  American  citizenship,  but 
expressly  reserved  the  same  in  the  form  of  oath  already  dis- 
closed and  by  a  continuous  assertion  of  the  same. 

The  advisory  council  of  the  Provisional  Government,  as 
established  by  the  proclamation,  consisted  of  John  Emmeluth, 
an  American,  not  naturalized  ;  Andrew  Brown,  a  Scotchman, 
not  naturalized ;  C.  Bolte,  naturalized  ;  James  F.  Morgan, 
naturalized  ;  Henry  Waterhouse,  naturalized  ;  S.  M.  Damon, 
native  ;  W.  G.  Ashley,  an  American,  not  naturalized  ;  E.  D. 
Tenney,  an  American,  not  naturalized  ;  F.  M.  McChesney,  an- 
American,  not  naturalized  ;  W.  C.  Wilder,  naturalized  ;  J.  A. 
McCandless,  an  American,  not  naturalized  ;  W.  R.  Castle,  a 
native  ;  Lorrin  A.  Thurston,  a  native ;  F.  J.  Wilhelm,  an 
American,  not  naturalized. 

One-half  of  this  body,  then,  was  made  up  of  persons  owing 
allegiance  to  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain, 


The  annexation  mass  meeting  of  the  16th  of  January  was 
made  up  in  this  same  manner. 

On  the  25th  of  February,  1843,  under  pressure  of  British 
naval  forces,  the  King  ceded  the  country  to  Lord  George  Paulet, 
"subject  to  the  decision  of  the  British  Government  after  full 
information."  That  Government  restored  their  independence. 
It  made  a  deep  impression  on  the  native  mind. 

This  national  experience  was  recalled  by  Judge  Widemann, 
a  German  of  character  and  wealth,  to  the  Queen  to  satisfy  her 
that  the  establishment  of  the  Provisional  Government,  through 
the  action  of  Capt.  Wiltse  and  Mr.  Stevens,  would  be  repudiated 
by  the  United  States  Government,  and  that  she  could  appeal 
to  it.  Mr.  Damon  urged  upon  her  that  she  would  be  entitled 
to  such  a  hearing.  He  was  the  representative  of  the  Provi- 
sional Government,  and  accepted  her  protest  and  turned  it 
over  to  President  Dole.  This  was  followed  by  large  expendi- 
tures from  her  private  purse  to  present  her  cause  and  to  invoke 
her  restoration. 

That  a  deep  wrong  has  been  done  the  Queen  and  the  native 
race  by  American  officials  pervades  the  native  mind  and  that 
of  the  Queen,  as  well  as  a  hope  for  redress  from  the  United 
States,  there  can  be  no  doubt. 

In  this  connection  it  is  important  to  note  the  inability  of  the 
Hawaiian  people  to  cope  with  any  great  powers,  and  their 
recognition  of  it  by  never  offering  resistance  to  their  encroach- 
ments. 

The  suddenness  of  the  landing  of  the  United  States  troops, 


161 


the  reading  of  the  proclamation  of  the  Provisional  Government 
almost  in  their  presence,  and  the  quick  recognition  by  Mr. 
Stevens,  easily  prepared  her  to  the  suggestion  that  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States  had  no  knowledge  of  these  occurrences 
and  must  know  of  and  approve  or  disapprove  of  what  had 
occurred  at  a  future  time.  This,  too,  must  have  contributed  to 
her  disposition  to,  accept  the  suggestions  of  Judge  Widemann 
and  Mr.  Damon.  Indeed,  who  could  have  supposed  that  the 
circumstances  surrounding  her  could  have  been  foreseen  and 
sanctioned  deliberately  by  the  President  of  the  United  States. 
Her  uniform  conduct  and  the  prevailing  sentiment  amongst 
the  natives  point  to  her  belief  as  well  as  theirs  that  the  spirit  of 

justice  on  the  part  of  the  President  would  restore  her  crown. 
******* 

The  United  States  troops,  it  appears,  were  doing  military 
duty  for  the  Provisional  Government  before  the  protectorate 
was  assumed,  just  as  afterwards.  The  condition  of  the  com- 
munity at  the  time  of  the  assumption  of  the  protectorate  was 
one  of  quiet  and  acquiescence,  pending  negotiations  with  the 
United  States,  so  far  as  I  have  been  able  to  learn. 

A  few  days  before  my  arrival  here  news  of  the  withdrawal 
by  the  President  from  the  Senate  of  the  treaty  of  annexation 
and  his  purpose  to  send  a  commissioner  to  inquire  into  the 
revolution  was  received. 

An  organization  known  as  the  Annexation  Club  commenced 
to  obtain  signatures  to  a  petition  in  favor  of  annexation.  This 
work  has  been  continued  ever  since. 


The  result  is  reported  on  July  9th,  1893,  thus : 

HEADQUARTERS  ANNEXATION  CLUB, 

HONOLULU,  H.  I..  July  9th,  1893. 
HON.  J.  H.  BI.OUNT, 

U.  S.  E.  E.  &  M.  P. 

In  answer  to  your  communication  of  May  1  would  say  that 
the  names  on  our  great  register  to  date  are  5,500  and  that  we 
are  advised  of  190  odd  on  rolls  not  yet  entered  on  the  other 
islands. 

Of  those  which  are  entered  I  would  estimate  that  1,218  are 
Americans,  bemg90odd  percent  of  the  total  number  of  Americans 
on  the  islands  and  20  odd  per  cent  of  those  on  the  club  rolls. 

English  251,  being  26  per  cent  of  those  on  the  islands  and  4 
per  cent  of  club  rolls. 

One  thousand  and  twenty-two  Hawaiians,  being  11  per  cent 
of  those  on  islands  and  18  per  cent  of  club  rolls. 

Two  thousand  two  hundred  and  sixty-one  Portuguese,  being 
73  per  cent  of  Portuguese  on  islands  and  41  per  cent  of  club  rolls. 

Sixty-nine  Norwegians,  being  50  per  cent  of  those  on  islands 
and  1  per  cent  of  club  rolls. 

Three  hundred  and  fifty-one  Germans,  being  53  per  cent  of 
those  on  islands  and  6  per  cent  on  club  rolls. 

Others,  328,  unclassified. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be  your  obedient  servant, 

J.  W.  JONES, 
Secretary  Annexation  Club. 


162 


The  Portuguese  have  generally  signed  the  annexation  rolls. 
These,  as  I  have  already  stated,  are  nearly  all  Portuguese  sub- 
jects. A  majority  of  the  whites  of  American  and  European 
birth  who  have  signed  the  same  roll  are  noc  Hawaiian  subjects 
and  are  not  entitled  to  vote  under  any  laws  of  the  Kingdom. 

The  testimony  of  leading  annexationists  is  that  if  the  ques- 
tion of  annexation  were  submitted  to  a  popular  vote,  excluding 
all  persons  who  could  not  read  or  write  except  foreigners 
(under  the  Australian  ballot  system,  which  is  the  law  of  the 
land)  that  annexation  would  be  defeated. 

From  a  careful  inquiry  I  am  satisfied  that  it  would  be  defeat- 
ed by  a  vote  of  at  least  two  to  one.  If  the  votes  of  persons 
claiming  allegiance  to  foreign  countries  were  excluded,  it  would 
be  defeated  by  more  than  five  to  one. 

The  undoubted  sentiment  of  the  people  is  for  the  Queen, 
against  the  Provisional  Government  and  against  annexation. 
A  majority  of  the  whites,  especially  Americans,  are  for  annex- 
ation. 

The  native  registered  vote  in  1890  was  9,700  ;  the  foreign 
vote  was  3,893.  This  native  vote  is  generally  aligned  against 
the  annexation  whites.  No  relief  is  hoped  for  from  admitting 
to  the  right  of  suffrage  the  overwhelming  Asiatic  population. 
In  this  situation  the  annexation  whites  declare  that  good  gov- 
ernment is  unattainable. 

The  controlling  element  in  the  white  population  is  connected 
with  the  sugar  industry.  In  its  interest  the  Government  here 
has  negotiated  treaties  from  time  to  time  for  the  purpose  of  se- 


curing contract  laborers  for  terms  of  years  for  the  plantations, 
and  paid  out  large  sums  for  their  transportation  and  for  build- 
ing plantation  wharves,  etc. 

These  contracts  provide  for  compelling  the  laborer  to  work 
faithfully  by  fines  and  damage  suits  brought  by  the  planters 
against  them,  with  the  right  on  the  part  of  the  planter  to 
deduct  the  damages  and  cost  of  the  suit  out  of  the  laborer's 
wages.  They  also  provide  for  compelling  the  laborer  to  remain 
with  the  planter  during  the  contract  term.  They  are  sanction- 
ed by  law  and  enforced  by  civil  remedies  and  penal  laws.  The 
general  belief  amongst  the  planters  at  the  so-called  revolution 
was  that,  notwithstanding  the  laws  against  importing  labor 
into  the  United  States  in  the  event  of  their  annexation  to  that 
Government,  these  laws  would  not  be  made  operative  in  the 
Hawaiian  Islands  on  account  of  their  peculiar  conditions. 
Their  faith  in  the  building  of  a  cable  between  Honolulu  and 
San  Francisco,  and  large  expenditures  at  Pearl  Harbor  in  the 
event  of  annexation  have  also  as  much  to  do  with  the  desire 
for  it. 

In  addition  to  these  was  the  hope  of  escape  from  duties  on 
rice  and  fruits  and  receiving  the  sugar  bounty,  either  by  gener- 
al or  special  law. 

The  repeal  of  the  duty  on  sugar  in  the  McKinley  act  was 
regarded  a  severe  blow  to  their  interests,  and  the  great  idea  of 
statesmanship  has  been  to  do  something  in  the  shape  of  treaties 
with  the  United  States,  reducing  their  duties  on  agricul- 
tural products  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands,  out  of  which  profits 


163 


might  be  derived.  Annexation  has  for  its  charm  the  com- 
plete abolition  of  all  duties  on  their  exports  to  the  United 
States. 

The  annexationists  expect  the  United  States  to  govern  the 
islands  by  so  abridging  the  right  of  suffrage  as  to  place  them  in 
control  of  the  whites. 

The  Americans,  of  what  is  sometimes  termed  the  better  class, 
in  point  of  intelligence,  refinement,  and  good  morals,  are  fully 
up  to  the  best  standard  in  American  social  life.  Their  homes 
are  tasteful  and  distinguished  for  a  generous  hospitality.  Edu- 
cation and  religion  receive  at  their  hands  zealous  support. 
The  remainder  of  them  contain  good  people  of  the  laboring 
class  and  the  vicious  characters  of  a  seaport  city.  These 
general  observations  can  be  applied  to  the  English  and 
German  population. 

The  native  population,  numbering  in  1890,  40,622  persons, 
contained  27,901  able  to  read  and  write.  No  country  in 
Europe,  except  perhaps  Germany  and  England,  can  make 
such  a  showing.  While  the  native  generally  reads  and  writes 
in  native  and  English,  he  usually  speaks  the  Kanaka  language. 
Foreigners  usually  acquire  it.  The  Chinese  and  Japanese  learn 
to  use  it  and  know  very  little  English. 

Among  the  natives  there  is  not  a  superior  class,  indicated  by 
great  wealth,  enterprise,  and  culture,  directing  the  race,  as  with 
the  whites.  This  comes  from  several  causes. 

In  the  distribution  of  lands  most  of  it  was  assigned  to  the 
King,  chiefs,  some  whites,  and  to  the  Government  for  its  sup- 


port. Of  the  masses  11,132  persons  received  27,830  acres — 
about  two  and  a  half  acres  to  an  individual — called  Kuleanas. 
The  majority  received  nothing.  The  foreigners  soon  traded  the 
chiefs  out  of  a  large  portion  of  their  shares,  and  later  pur- 
chased from  the  Government,  government  lands  and  obtained 
long  leases  on  the  crown  lands.  Avoiding  details  it  must  be 
said  that  the  native  never  held  much  of  the  land.  It  is  well 
known  that  it  has  been  about  seventy  years  since  he  commenced 
to  emerge  from  idolatry  and  the  simplicity  of  thought  and 
habits  and  immoralities  belonging  to  it.  National  tradition 
has  done  little  for  him,  and  before  the  whites  led  him  to  edu- 
cation its  influence  was  not  operative.  Until  within  the  last 
twenty  years  white  leaders  were  generally  accepted  and  pre- 
ferred by  the  King  in  his  selection  of  cabinets,  nobles,  and 
judges,  and  native  leadership  was  not  wanted. 

Their  religious  affiliations  are  with  the  Protestant  and  Cath- 
olic churches.  They  are  over-generous,  hospitable,  almost  free 
from  revenge,  very  courteous — especially  to  females.  Their 
talent  for  oratory  and  the  higher  branches  of  mathematics  is 
unusually  marked.  In  person  they  have  large  physique,  good 
features  and  the  complexion  of  the  brown  races.  They  have 
been  greatly  advanced  by  civilization,  but  have  done  little 
towards  its  advancement.  The  small  amount  of  thieving  and 
absence  of  beggary  are  more  marked  than  amongst  the  best 
races  of  the  world.  What  they  are  capable  of  under  fair  con- 
ditions is  an  unsolved  problem. 

Idols  and  idol  worship  have  long  since  disappeared. 


164 


The  following  observations  in  relation  to  population  are  pre- 
sented, though  some  repetition  will  be  observed  : 

The  population  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands  can  best  be  studied, 
by  one  unfamiliar  with  the  native  tongue,  from  its  several 
census  reports.  A  census  is  taken  every  six  years.  The  last 
report  is  for  the  year  1890.  From  this  it  appears  that  the 
whole  population  numbers  89,990.  This  number  includes 
natives  or,  to  use  another  designation,  Kanakas,  half-castes 
(persons  containing  an  admixture  of  other  than  native  blood  in 
any  proportion  with  it),  Hawaiian-born  foreigners  of  all  races 
or  nationalities  other  than  natives,  Americans,  British,, Ger- 
mans, French,  Portuguese,  Norwegians,  Chinese,  Polynesians, 
and  other  nationalities. 

(In  all  the  official  documents  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands, 
whether  in  relation  to  population,  ownership  of  property,  taxa- 
tion, or  any  other  question,  the  designation  "American,"  "Brit- 
on," "German,"  or  other  foreign  nationality  does  not  discrimi- 
nate between  the  naturalized  citizens  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands 
and  those  owing  allegiance  to  foreign  countries.) 

Americans  number  1,928;  natives  and  half-castes,  40,612; 
Chinese,  15,301;  Japanese,  12,360;  Portuguese,  8,602;  British, 
1,344  ;  Germans,  1,034  ;  French,  70  ;  Norwegians,  227  ;  Polyne- 
sians, 588,  and  other  foreigners.  419. 

It  is  well  at  this  point  to  say  that  of  the  7,495  Hawaiian-born 
foreigners  4,117  are  Portuguese,  1,701  Chinese  and  Japanese, 
1,617  other  white  foreigners,  and  60  of  other  nationalities. 

There  are  58,714  males.     Of  these   18,364  are  pure  natives 


and  3,085  are  half-castes,  making  together  21,449.  Fourteen 
thousand  five  hundred  and  twenty-two  (14,522)  are  Chinese. 
The  Japanese  number  10,079.  The  Portuguese  contribute  4,770. 
These  four  nationalities  furnish  50,820  of  the  male  population. 

Males. 

The  Americans 1,298 

The   British 982 

The  Germans 729 

The  French 46 

The  Norwegians 135 

These  five  nationalities  combined  furnish  3,170  of  the  total 
male  population. 

The  first  four  nationalities  when  compared  with  the  last  five 
in  male  population  are  nearly  sixteenfold  the  largest  in  number. 

The  Americans  are  to  those  of  the  four  aforementioned  group 
of  nationalities  as  1  to  39 — nearly  as  1  to  40. 

Portuguese  have  been  brought  here  from  time  to  time  from 
the  Madeira  and  Azores  islands  by  the  Hawaiian  Government 
as  laborers,  on  plantations,  just  as  has  been  done  in  relation  to 
Chinese,  Japanese,  Polynesians,  etc.  They  are  the  most  igno- 
rant of  all  imported  laborers,  and  reported  to  be  very  thievish. 
They  are  not  pure  Europeans,  but  a  commingling  of  many  races, 
especially  the  negro.  Very  few  of  them  can  read  and  write. 
Their  children  are  being  taught  in  the  public  schools,  as  all 
races  are.  It  is  wrong  to  class  them  as  Europeans. 

The  character  of  the  people  of  these  islands  is  and  must  be 
overwhelmingly  Asiatic.  Let  it  not  be  imagined  that  the 


165 


Chinese,  Japanese,  and  Portuguese  disappear  at  the  end  of  their 

contract  term. 

******* 

In  1890  the  census  report  discloses  that  the  only  4,695 
persons  owned  real  estate  in  these  islands.  With  a  population 
estimated  at  this  time  at  95,000,  the  vast  number  of  landless 
people  here  is  discouraging  to  the  idea  of  immigrants  from  the 
United  States  being  able  to  find  encouragement  in  the  matter 
of  obtaining  homes  in  these  islands. 

The  landless  condition  of  the  native  population  grows  out  of 
the  original  distribution  and  not  from  shiftlessness.  To  them 
homesteads  should  be  offered  rather  than  to  strangers. 

The  census  reports  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands  pretend  to  give 
the  native  population  from  the  period  when  Capt.  Cook  was 
here  until  1890.  These  show  a  rapid  diminution  in  numbers, 
which,  it  is  claimed,  indicate  the  final  extinction  of  the  race. 
Very  many  of  these  reports  are  entirely  conjectural  and  others 
are  carelessly  prepared.  That  of  1884  is  believed  by  many 
intelligent  persons  here  to  overstate  the  native  strength  and,  of 
course,  to  discredit  any  comparison  with  that  of  1890. 

All  deductions  from  such  comparisons  -arc  discredited  by  an 
omission  to  consider  loss  from  emigration.  Jarves,  in  his 
history  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands,- published  in  1847,  says  : 

"  Great  numbers  of  healthy  Hawaiian  youths  have  left  in 
whale  ships  and  other  vessels  and  never  returned. 

The  number  annually  afloat  is  computed  at  3,000.  At  one 
time  400  were  counted  at  Tahiti,  500  in  Oregon,  50  at  Paita, 


Peru,  besides  unknown  numbers  in  Europe  and  the  United 
States." 

In  1850  a  law  was  passed  to  prohibit  natives  from  leaving  the 
islands.  The  reason  for  it  is  stated  in  the  following  preamble. 

"  Whereas,  by  the  census  of  the  islands  taken  in  1849,  the 
population  decreased  at  the  rate  of  8  per  cent  in  1848,  and  by 
the  census  taken  in  1850  the  population  decreased  at  the  rate  of 
5^  per  cent  in  1849  ;  whereas  the  want  of  labor  is  severely  felt 
by  planters  and  other  agriculturists,  whereby  the  price  of 
provisions  and  other  produce  has  been  unprecedentedly  en- 
hanced, to  the  great  prejudice  of  the  islands;  whereas,  many 
natives  have  emigrated  to  California  and  there  died  in  great 
misery  ;  and,  whereas,  it  is  desirable  to  prevent  such  loss  to  the 
nation  and  such  wretchedness  to  individuals,  etc." 

This  act  remained  in  force  until  1887.  How  effective  it  was 
when  it  existed  there  is  no  means  of  ascertaining.  How  much 
emigration  of  the  native  race  has  taken  place  since  its  repeal 
does  not  appear  to  have  been  inquired  into  by  the  Hawaiian 
Government.  Assuming  that  there  has  been  none  and  that  the 
census  tables  are  correct,  except  that  of  1884,  the  best  opinion 
is  that  the  decrease  in  the  native  population  is  slight  now  and 
constantly  less.  Its  final  extinction,  except  by  amalgamation 
with  Americans,  Europeans,  and  Asiatics,  may  be  dispensed 
with  in  all  future  calculations. 

My  opinion,  derived  from  official  data  and  the  judgment  of 
intelligent  persons,  is  that  it  is  not  decreasing  now  and  will 
soon  increase. 


166 


MEMBERS  OF  THE  CONSTITUTIONAL  CONVENTION  OF  1S1U. 


The  foregoing  pages  are  respectfully  submitted  as  the  con- 
nected report  indicated  in  your  instructions.  It  is  based  upon 
the  statements  of  individuals  and  the  examination  of  public 
documents.  Most  of  these  are  hereto  annexed. 

The  partisan  feeling  naturally  attaching  to  witnesses  made 
it  necessary  for  me  to  take  time  for  forming  a  correct  judgment 
as  to  their  character.  All  this  had  to  be  done  without  the 
counsel  of  any  other  person. 

Mindful  of  my  liability  to  error  in  some  matters  of  detail, 
but  believing  in  the  general  correctness  of  the  information 
reported  and  conclusions  reached,  I  can  only  await'the  judg- 
ment of  others. 

I  am,  sir,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

JAMES  H.  BLOUNT, 
Special  Commissioner  of  the  United  States. 


REPORT  OF  THE    SENATE  COMMITTEE  ON  FOREIGN  AFFAIRS    IN    RELA- 
TION TO  THE  HAWAIIAN  ISLANDS. 

Mr.  Morgan  submitted  the  following  report  from  the  Com- 
mittee on  Foreign  Relations: 

The  following  resolution  of  the  Senate  defines  the  limits  of 
the  authority  of  the  committee  in  the  investigation  and  report 
it  is  required  to  make: 


"Resolved,  That  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations  shall 
inquire  and  report  whether  any,  and  if  so,  what  irregularities 
have  occurred  in  the  diplomatic  or  other  intercourse  between 
the  United  States  and  Hawaii  in  relation  to  the  recent  political 
revolution  in  Hawaii,  and  to  this  end  said  committee  is  author- 
ized to  send  for  persons  and  papers  and  to  administer  oaths  to 
witnesses." 

The  witnesses  were  examined  under  oath  when  it  was  possible 
to  secure  their  appearance  before  the  committee,  though  in  some 
instances  affidavits  were  taken  in  Hawaii  and  other  places,  and 
papers  of  a  scientific  and  historic  character  will  be  appended  to 
this  report  and  presented  to  the  Senate  for  its  consideration. 

The  committee  did  not  call  the  Secretary  of  State,  or  any 
person  connected  with  the  Hawaiian  Legation,  to  give  testimony. 
It  was  not  thought  to  be  proper  to  question  the  diplomatic 
authorities  of  either  government  on  matters  that  are,  or  have 
been,  the  subject  of  negotiation  between  them,  and  no  power 
exists  to  authorize  the  examination  of  the  minister  of  a  foreign 
government  in  an}'  proceeding  without  his  consent. 

The  resolutions  include  an  inquiry  only  into  the  intercourse 
between  the  two  governments,  and  regard  the  conduct  of  the 
officers  of  the  United  States  as  a  matter  for  domestic  consider- 
ation in  which  Hawaii  is  not  concerned,  unless  it  be  that  their 
conduct  had  some  unjust  and  improper  influence  upon  the 
action  of  the  people  or  Government  of  that  country  in  relation 
to  the  revolution. 

The  future  policy  of  the  two  governments  as  to   annexation, 


167 


or  in  respect  of  any  other  matter,  is  excluded  by  the  resolutions 
from  the  consideration  of  the  committee,  and1  such  matters  are 
alluded  to  only  as  being  incidental  to  the  investigation  which 
was  ordered  by  the  Senate. 

The  inquiry  as  to  irregularities  that  may  have  occurred  in 
our  diplomatic  or  other  intercourse  with  Hawaii  must  relate, 
first,  to  the  conduct  of  the  Government  as  shown  in  its  official 
acts  and  correspondence  ;  and.  second,  the  conduct  of  its  civil 
and  military  officers  while  they  were  engaged  in  the  discharge 
of  their  public  duties  and  functions. 

Ae  a  Government  dealing  with  Hawaii  and  with  any  form  of 
government  in  that  country,  whether  de  facto  or  de  jure,  the 
United  States  can  have  no  separation  or  break  in  its  line  of 
policy  corresponding  to  any  change  in  the  incumbency  of  the 
office  of  President.  It  is  in  all  respects  as  much  the  same  gov- 
ernment in  every  right  and  responsibility  as  if  it  had  been 
under  the  same  President  during  the  entire  period  covered  by 
the  recent  revolution  in  Hawaii  and  the  succeeding  events. 

This  view  of  the  situation  will  enable  us  to  examine  more 
dispassionately  the  conduct  of  our  Government,  and  to  ascertain 
whether  it  has  been  such  that  it  can  be  safely  drawn  into 
precedent  in  any  future  questions  that  may  arise  in  our  inter- 
course with  this  or  other  American  governments. 

The  right  of  the  President  of  the  United  States  to  change  his 
opinions  and  conduct  respecting  a  course  of  diplomatic  corres- 
pondence with  a  foreign  government  is  no  more  to  be  ques- 
tioned than  his  right  to  institute  such  correspondence  ;  and  it 


cannot  be  assumed  that  the  opinions  of  one  President,  differing 
from  those  of  his  predecessor,  have  any  other  effect  upon  the 
attitude  of  the  Government  than  would  follow  a  change  of 
opinion  in  the  mind  of  the  same  person  if  there  had  been  no 
change  in  the  incumbency  of  the  office.  This  is  a  view  of  the 
situation  in  which  all  foreign  nations  may  have  an  interest, 
and  the  usages  of  independent  powers  and  the  international 
laws.  But  the  question  now  under  consideration  is  regarded  as 
being  peculiar  to  what  we  may  term  the  American  system,  It 
%  may  be  true  that  Hawaii  can  not  be  considered  as  a  separate 
and  independent  power  in  respect  of  all  its  relations  with  the 
United  States,  yet  the  acts  of  successive  Presidents  of  the 
United  States  which  affect  it  must  be  regarded  as  the  acts  of 
one  President.  But  there  are  many  good  reasons  and  a  long 
and  consistent  course  of  dealing  between  the  United  States  and 
Hawaii  that  materially  affect,  if  they  do  not  entirely  change, 
the  actual  relations  between  Hawaii  and  the  United  States  and 
make  them  exceptional.  When  we  claim  the  right  to  interfere 
in  the  domestic  affairs  of  Hawaii,  as  we  would  not  interfere 
with  those  of  a  European  nation,  we  must  also  admit  her  right 
to  whatever  advantages  there  may  be  in  the  closeness  and  inter- 
dependence of  our  relations,  and  her  right  to  question  us  as  to 
any  conflicts  of  policy  between  Mr.  Harrison  and  Mr.  Cleveland 
that  may  be  justly  said  to  work  a  disadvantage  to  the  interests 
of  Hawaii,  if  there  are  any. 

And  another  principle  which  does  not  apply  in  our  dealings 
with  European  powers  comes  into  application  in   this   case   to 


168 


influence  the  rights  of  Hawaii  in  her  intercourse  with  the 
United  States. 

Hawaii  is  an  American  state,  and  is  embraced  in  the  Ameri- 
can commercial  and  military  system.  This  fact  has  been 
frequently  and  firml}'  stated  by  our  Government,  and  is  the 
ground  on  which  is  rested  that  peculiar  and  far-reaching  declar- 
ation so  often  and  so  earnestly  made,  that  the  United  States 
will  not.  admit  the  right  of  any  foreign  government  to  acquire 
any  interest  or  control  in  the  Hawaiian  Islands  that  is  in  any 
way  prejudicial  or  even  threatening  toward  the  interests  of  the 
United  States  or  her  people.  This  is  at  least  a  moral  suzerainty 
over  Hawaii.  In  this  attitude  of  the  two  Governments,  Hawaii 
must  be  entitled  to  demand  of  the  United  States  an  indulgent 
consideration,  if  not  an  active  sympathy,  when  she  is  endeavor- 
ing to  accomplish  what  every  other  American  state  has  achieved 
— the  release  of  her  people  from  the  odious  anti-republican 
regime  which  denies  to  the  people  the  right  to  govern  them- 
selves, and  subordinates  them  to  the  supposed  divine  right  of  a 
monarch,  whose  title  to  such  divinity  originated  in  the  most 
slavish  conditions  of  pagan  barbarity. 

The  point  at  which  it  is  alleged  that  there  was  a  questionable 
interference  by  our  Minister  and  our  navy  with  the  affairs  of 
Hawaii  was  the  landing  of  troops  from  the  ship  Boston,  in  Hon- 
olulu, on  the  16th  day  of  January,  1893,  at  5  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon.  That  ship,  on  which  the  Minister  was  a  passenger, 
had  been  off  on  a  practice  cruise  at  Hilo,  a  distance  of  nearly 
100  miles,  since  the  4th  day  of  January.  On  her  return  to  the 


harbor  a  condition  of  affairs  existed  in  Honolulu  which  led 
naturally  to  the  apprehension  that  violence  or  civil  commotion 
would  ensue,  in  which  the  peace  and  security  of  American  citi- 
zens residing  in  that  city  would  be  put  in  peril,  as  .had  been 
done  on  three  or  more  separate  occasions  previously  when 
changes  occurred  or  were  about  to  occur  in  the  government  of 
Hawaii.  Whatever  we  may  conclude  were  the  real  causes  of 
the  situation  then  present  in  Honolulu,  the  fact  is  that  there 
was  a  complete  paralysis  of  executive  government  in  Hawaii. 
The  action  of  the  Queen  in  an  effort  to  overturn  the  constitution 
of  1887,  to  which  she  had  sworn  obedience  and  support,  had 
been  accepted  and  treated  by  a  large  and  powerful  body  of  the 
people  as  a  violation  of  her  constitutional  obligations,  revolu- 
tionary in  its  character  and  purposes,  and  that  it  amounted 
to  an  act  of  abdication  on  her  part,  so  far  as  her  powers  and  the 
rights  of  the  people  under  the  constitution  of  1887  were  con- 
cerned. This  state  of  opinion  and  this  condition  of  the  execu- 
tive head  of  the  Hawaiian  Government  neutralized  its  power  to 
protect  American  citizens  and  other  foreigners  in  their  treaty 
rights,  and  also  their  rights  under  the  laws  of  Hawaii.  There 
was  not  in  Honolulu  at  that  time  any  efficient  executive  power 
through  which  the  rights  of  American  citizens  residing  there 
could  be  protected  in  accordance  with  the  local  laws.  It  is 
evident  that  the  Queen's  Government  at  that  time  had  no  power 
to  prevent  the  landing  of  troops  from  any  quarter,  no  power  to 
protect  itself  against  invasion,  no  power  to  conduct  civil  govern- 
ment, so  far  as  the  executive  was  concerned,  if  the  effort  to 


169 


exert  such  power  was  antagonized  by  any  opposing  body  of 
people  in  considerable  numbers.  Indeed,  no  effort  seems  to 
have  been  made  to  exert  the  civil  authority  except  through  the 
presence  of  a  small  and  inefficient-  body  of  policemen.  The 
authority  of  the  Queen  was  not  respected  by  the  people  :  it  was 
opposed,  and  no  force  appeared  to  be  used  for  the  purpose  of 
overcoming  the  opposition.  It  yielded  to  a  silent  but  ominous 
opposition.  Without  reference  to  the  question  whether,  in 
strict  law,  the  action  of  the  Queen  in  her  effort  to  overturn  the 
Constitution  of  1887,  and  to  substitute  one  by  a  proclamation 
which  she  had  prepared,  was  a  revolution  in  government,  or  an 
effort  at  revolution,  or  amounted  to  an  actual  abdication,  the 
result  was  that  an  interregnum  existed. 

If  we  give  full  effect  to  the  contention  that  this  interregnum 
occurred  because  of  the  apprehensions  of  the  Queen  that  force 
would  be  used  by  the  United  States  to  compel  her  abdication, 
those  apprehensions  could  not  have  occurred  before  the  landing 
of  the  troops  from  the  Boston,  or,  if  they  existed,  they  were 
idle,  unfounded,  and  unjust  toward  the  United  States.  It  was 
her  conduct,  opposed  by  her  people,  or  a  large  portion  of  them, 
that  paralyzed  the  executive  authority  and  left  the  citizens  of 
the  United  States  in  Honolulu  without  the  protection  of  any 
law,  unless  it  was  such  as  should  be  extended  to  them  by  the 
American  Minister,  in  conjunction  with  the  arms  of  the  United 
States  then  on  board  the  Boston. 

It  will  appear  hereafter  in  this  report  that  there  is  well- 
settled  authority  for  the  position  that  at  the  moment  when  the 


Queen  made  public  her  decision  to  absolve  herself  from  her 
oath  to  support  the  constitution  of  1887  her  abdication  was 
complete,  if  the  people  chose  so  to  regard  it.  That  constitution 
and  the  Queen's  oath  to  support  it  was  the  only  foundation  for 
her  regal  authority,  and,  when  she  announced  that  her  oath 
was  annulled  in  its  effect  upon  her  own  conscience,  she  could 
no  longer  rightfully  hold  office  under  that  constitution.  In 
such  matters  the  word  of  the  Queen,  once  sedately  uttered,  fixes 
a  condition  that  is  irrevocable,  unless  by  the  consent  of  those 
whose  condition  or  rights  would  be  injuriously  affected  by  its 
subsequent  withdrawal  ;  as  in  the  case  of  a  voluntary  abdi- 
cation in  favor  of  a  named  successor  ;  or  of  a  pardon  granted  to 
a  person  accused  or  convicted  of  crime ;  or  the  signature  to  a 
legislative  act.  or  declaration  of  war.  The  official  act  of  the 
chief  executive  of  a  nation  is  uniformly  regarded  as  creating  a 
condition  or  status  which  can  not  be  altered  or  revoked  at 
pleasure.  Indeed,  in  every  case,  the  word  of  the  king  that 
works  a  change  in  existing  conditions  is  the  final  act  of  the 
king.  In  the  crime  of  treason  and  the  misprision  of  treason, 
the  word  that  is  spoken  by  the  culprit  though  quickly  repented 
of  or  recalled,  has  completed  the  crime  and  placed  the  offender 
beyond  the  reach  of  all  mercy  except  that  of  the  sovereign 
power.  In  this  instance  the  sovereign  power  to  pardon  or  con- 
done the  Queen's  offense  resided  in  the  people,  and  they  have 
so  far  decided  and  have  adhered  to  the  decision  that  her  abdi- 
cation was  complete.  The  recantation  was  two  days  later  than 
the  completed  crime  and  was  temporary  and  conditional,  and, 


170 


in  the  meantime,  popular  sovereignty  had  risen  to  the  asser- 
tion of  its  rights,  an  indignant  resentment  had  aroused  the 
people,  and  a.  large  body  of  citizens  claiming  to  represent  them 
had  inaugurated  a  government  of  the  people  and  for  the  people. 
Whether  the  people  opposing  the  Queen  were  strengthened  in 
their  purpose  to  accept  and  act  upon  this  abandonment  by  the 
Queen  of  her  obligations  to  keep  her  oath  to  support  and  obey 
the  constitution  by  the  presence  of  the  troops  of  the  United 
States,  or  whether  the  Queen  was  dismayed  by  their  presence 
and  was  deterred  from  supporting  her  criminal  act  by  the 
employment  of  her  household  soldiery,  did  not  alter  the  fact 
that  she  had  openly  renounced  the  Constitution  of  1887  before 
the  troops  were  landed  or  any  preparation  was  made  or  any 
order  was  issued  to  land  them,  and  the  people  were  preparing 
to  substitute  the  monarchy,  which  was  still  existing  in  the  con- 
stitution, by  a  ruler  of  their  own  choice  before  any  troops  left 
the  Boston. 

Whether  the  people  would  permit  the  restoration  of  the 
Queen,  or  whether  they  would  constitute  a  new  executive  head 
of  the  Government  of  Hawaii,  was  a  matter  then  undetermined, 
and  as  to  that  the  Government  of  the  United  States  had  but 
one  concern,  and  that  was  that  the  interregnum  should  be 
ended,  the  executive  head  of  the  Government  should  be  sup- 
plied, and  the  laws  of  Hawaii  and  the  treaty  rights  of  Ameri- 
can citizens  should  have  full  effect,  peacefully,  in  the  protection 
of  their  rights  and  interests.  When  the  Queen  found  that  her 
Government  was  opposed  by  a  strong  body  of  the  people  she 


did  not  attempt  to  reassemble  the  Legislature,  but  left  the 
public  safety  in  charge  of  a  committee  of  thirteen  men  organ- 
ized by  those  who  were  endeavoring  to  preserve  the  peace  and 
to  restore  the  Government  to  its  full  constitutional  powers  by 
choosing  an  executive  head.  This  condition  of  things  contin- 
ued from  Saturday  until  the  succeeding  Tuesday,  during  all  of 
which  time  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  residing  in  Hono- 
lulu had  no  protection  of  law,  except  such  as  was  guaranteed 
to  them  by  the  presence  of  the  ]>oaton  in  the  bay  of  Honolulu, 
or  the  moral  influence  of  the  American  Legation  and  Consulate. 
When  the  Kamehameha  dynasty  ended,  the  monarchy  in 
Hawaii  was  doomed  to  a  necessary  dissolution.  The  five  kings 
of  that  family,  assisted  by  their  premiers,  who  were  Kanaka 
women,  and  by  such  missionaries  as  Judd,  Bingham,  Chamber- 
lain, Coan,  Goodrich  arid  Damon,  maintained  the  progress  of 
civilization  and  prosperity,  but  when  Kalakaua  was  elected 
king,  the  most  surprising  and  disgraceful  corruptions  infected 
the  Government.  Without  detailing  in  this  report  the  constant 
decline  from  bad  to  worse,  which  the  evidence  discloses,  without 
contradiction  or  explanation,  when  Liliuokalani  was  enthroned 
the  monarchy  was  a  mere  shell  and  was  in  a  condition  to  crum- 
ble on  the  slightest  touch  of  firm  opposition.  Under  her  brief 
rule,  it  was  kept  alive  by  the  care  and  forbearing  tolerance  of 
the  conservative  white  people,  who  owned  $50,00n,000  of  the 
property  in  Hawaii,  until  they  saw  that  the  Queen  and  her 
party  had  determined  to  grasp  absolute  power  and  destroy  the 
constitution  and  the  rights  of  the  white  people.  When  they 


171 


were  compelled  to  act  in  self-defense  the  monarchy  disappeared. 
It  required  nothing  but  the  determined  action  of  what  jwas 
called  the  missionary  party  to  prostrate  the  monarchy,  and  that 
action  had  been  taken  before  the  troops  from  the  Boston  landed. 

There  was  then  no  executive  head  of  the  Government  of 
Hawaii  ;  it  had  perished. 

In  landing  the  troops  from  the  Boston  there  was  no  demon- 
stration of  actual  hostilities,  and  their  conduct  was  as  quiet  and 
as  respectful  as  it  had  been  on  many  previous  occasions  when 
they  were  landed  for  the  purpose  of  drill  and  practice.  In  pass- 
ing the  palace  on  their  way  to  the  point  at  which  they  were 
halted,  the  Queen  appeared  upon  the  balcony  and  the  troops 
respectfully  saluted  her  by  presenting  arms  and  dipping  the 
flag,  and  made  no  demonstration  of  any  hostile  intent.  Her 
attitude  at  that  time  was  that  of  helplessness,  because  she 
found  no  active  or  courageous  support  in  her  isolated  position, 
which  was  self-imposed  and  was  regretted  by  few  of  her  former 
subjects.  In  this  condition  of  Hawaii  the  laws  for  the  protec- 
tion of  life  and  property  were,  in  fact,  suspended  so  far  as  the 
executive  power  was  concerned,  and  the  citizens  of  the  United 
States  in  Honolulu  and  all  the  islands,  and  their  property 
rights,  were  virtually  outlawed.  The  citizens  of  Honolulu  were 
not  held  amenable  to  the  civil  authorities,  but  were  treated  by 
the  Queen,  as  well  as  by  the  people,  as  if  the  country  was  in  a 
state  of  war.  A  policeman  was  shot  down  on  the  streets  by  a 
person  who  was  conducting  a  wagon  loaded  with  arms  to  the 
place  of  rendezvous  where  the  people  had  assembled,  and  no 


action  was  taken  for  the  purpose  of  arresting  or  putting  on  trial 
the  man  who  did  the  shooting. 

In  a  country  where  there  is  no  power  of  the  law  to  protect 
the  citizens  of  the  United  States,  there  can  be  no  law  of  nations 
nor  any  rule  of  comity  that  can  rightfully  prevent  our  flag  from 
giving  shelter  to  them  under  the  protection  of  our  arms,  and 
this  without  reference  to  any  distress  it  may  give  to  the  Queen 
who  generated  the  confusion,  or  any  advantage  it  might  give  to 
the  people  who  are  disputing  her  right  to  resume  or  to  hold  her 
regal  powers.  In  every  country  where  there  is  no  effective 
chief  executive  authority,  whether  it  is  a  newly-discovered 
island  where  only  savage  government  prevails,  or  one  where  the 
government  is  paralyzed  by  internal  feuds,  it  is  the  right, 
claimed  and  exercised  by  all  civilized  nations,  to  enter  such  a 
country  with  sovereign  authority  to  assert  and  protect  the 
rights  of  its  citizens  and  their  property,  and  to  remain  there 
without  the  invitation  of  anybody  until  civil  government  shall 
have  been  established  that  is  adequate,  in  a  satisfactory  sense 
for  their  protection. 

The  committee  agree  that  such  was  the  condition  of  the 
Hawaiian  Government  at  the  time  that  the  troops  were  landed 
in  Honolulu  from  the  steam  warship  Boston;  that  there  was 
then  an  interregnum  in  Hawaii  as  respects  the  executive  office  ; 
that  there  was  no  executive  power  to  enforce  the  laws  of 
Hawaii,  and  that  it  was  the  right  of  the  United  States  to  land 
troops  upon  those  islands  at  any  place  where  it  was  necessary  in 
the  opinion  of  our  minister  to  protect  our  citizens. 


172 


In  what  occurred  in  landing  the  troops  at  Honolulu  there 
may  have  been  an  invasion,  but  ft  was  not  an  act  of  war,  nor 
did  it  create  that  condition  of  the  public  law  in  Hawaii. 

In  the  period  of  reconstruction,  as  it  is  called,  which  followed 
the  civil  war  of  1861-'6o  in  the  United  States,  a  very  similar 
condition  existed,  or  was  assumed  to  exist,  which  caused 
Congress  to  provide  for  vacating  gubernatorial  offices  in  several 
of  the  Southern  States  and  filling  them  by  appointments  of  the 
President. 

In  these  States  strong  military  bodies  were  stationed  and 
general  officers  of  the  Army  took  command  and  enforced  the 
laws  found  on  their  statute  books  and  also  the  laws  of  the 
United  States.  All  the  civil  officers  in  those  sovereign  States 
were  required  to  obey  the  commands  of  those  Army  officers, 
and  they  did  so,  often  under  protest,  but  with  entire  submission 
to  the  military  power  and  authority  of  the  President,  exerted 
through  the  instrumentality  of  the  Army.  That  was  not  war. 
Yet  it  was  the  presence  of  military  force,  employed  actively  in 
the  enforcement  of  the  civil  laws,  and  in  full  supremacy  over 
the  civil  authority. 

The  only  reason  that  could  justify  this  invasion  of  sovereign 
States  by  the  armies  of  the  Unitejd  States  was  the  declaration 
by  Congress  that  the  executive  governments  in  those  States 
were  not  in  the  lawful  possession  of  the  incumbents;  that  there 
was  an  interregnum  in  those  States  as  to  the  office  of  governor. 

If  the  Queen,  or  the  people,  or  both  acting  in  conjunction, 
had  opposed  landing  of  the  troops  from  the  Boston  with  armed 


resistance,  their  invasion  would  have  been  an  act  of  war.  But 
when  their  landing  was  not  opposed  by  any  objection,  protest, 
or  resistance  the  state  of  war  did  not  supervene,  and  there  was 
no  irregularity  or  want  of  authority  to  place  the  troops  on 
shore. 

In  this  view  of  the  facts  there  is  no  necessity  for  inquiring 
whether  Minister  Stevens  or  Capt.  Wiltse.  in  arranging  for  the 
landing  of  the  troops,  had  any  purpose  either  to  aid  the  popular 
movement  against  the  Queen  that  was  then  taking  a  definite 
and  decisive  shape,  or  to  promote  the  annexation  of  the  Hawai- 
ian Islands  to  the  United  States.  But  justice  to  these  gentle- 
men requires  that  we  should  say  that  the  troops  from  the 
Boston  were  not  sent  into  Honolulu  for  any  other  purpose  than 
that  set  forth  fully  and  fairly  in  the  following  order  from  Capt. 
Wiltse  to  the  officer  in  command  of  the  detachment : 

U.  S.  S.  BOSTON,  (SECOND  RATE), 
HONOLULU,  HAWAIIAN  ISLANDS,  Jan.  16,  1893. 

LIEUT.  COMMANDER  W.  T.  SWINBURNE,  U.  S.  Navy, 

Executive  Officer,  U.  S.  Boston. 

SIR  :  You  will  take  command  of  the  battalion  and  land  in 
Honolulu  for  the  purpose  of  protecting  our  legation,  consulate, 
and  the  lives  and  property  of  American  citizens,  and  to  assist 
in  preserving  public  order. 

Great  prudence  must  be  exercised  by  both  officers  and  men, 
and  no  action  taken  that  is  not  fully  warranted  by  the  condi- 


173 


tion  of  affairs  and  by  the  conduct  of  those  who  may  be  inimical 
to  the  treaty  rights  of  American  citizens. 

You  will  inform  me  at  the  earliest  practicable  moment  of 
any  change  in  the  situation. 

Very  respectfully, 

G.  C.  WILTSE, 
Captain,  U.  S.  Navy,  Commanding  U.  S.  Boston. 

As  between  the  United  States  and  Hawaii,  as  separate  and 
independent  governments,  that  order  defines  the  full  liability 
of  the  Government  of  the  United  States  in  respect  of  landing 
the  troops  at  Honolulu.  As  between  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  and  its  officers,  the  question  may  arise  whether 
that  order  was  issued  in  good  faith  and  for  the  purposes  declared 
upon  its  face,  or  whether  it  was  a  pretext  used  for  the  purpose 
of  assisting  in  the  overthrow  of  the  Queen's  Government  and 
the  ultimate  annexation  of  Hawaii  to  the  United  States. 

In  reference  to  this  last  suggestion,  the  committee,  upon  the 
evidence  as  it  appears  in  their  report  (which  they  believe  is  a 
full,  fair  and  impartial  statements  of  the  facts  attending  and 
precedent  to  the  landing  of  the  troops),  agree  that  the  purposes 
of  Capt.  Wiltse  and  of  Minister  Stevens  were  only  those  which 
were  legitimate,  viz :  the  preservation  of  law  and  order  to  the 
extent  of  preventing  a  disturbance  of  the  public  peace  which 
might,  in  the  absence  of  the  troops,  injuriously  affect  the  rights 
of  the  American  citizens  resident  in  Honolulu. 

The  troops  from  the  Boaton  having  rightfully  entered  Hono- 


lulu, and  having  carried  with  them  the  protection  of  the  laws 
of  the  United  States  for  their  citizens  who  otherwise  were  left 
without  the  protection  of  law,  it  was  the  right  of  the  United 
States  that  they  should  remain  there  until  a  competent  chief 
executive  of  Hawaii  should  have  been  installed  in  authority  to 
take  upon  himself  the  civil  power  and  to  execute  the  necessary 
authority  to  provide  for  the  protection  of  all  the  rights  of  citi- 
zens of  the  United  States  then  in  Honolulu,  whether  such 
rights  were  secured  by  treaty  or  were  due  to  them  under  the 
laws  of  Hawaii.  It  was  the  further  right  of  the  officers  repre- 
senting the  United  States  in  Hawaii  to  remain  there  with  the 
troops  until  all  the  conditions  were  present  to  give  full  assur- 
ance of  security  to  the  rights  of  all  the  citizens  of  the  United 
States  then  in  Honolulu. 

Before  the  landing  of  the  troops  a  committee  of  safety  had 
been  organized  that  sent  a  request  to  the  commander  of  the 
Boston  that  troops  should  be  landed  for  the  purpose  of  preserv- 
ing the  public  peace.  To  this  request  no  response  was  made, 
and  later  in  the  day  the  commander  of  the  Boston  was  informed 
that  the  committee  of  safety  had  withdrawn  its  request  and 
then  desired  that  no  troops  should  be  landed.  But,  disregard- 
ing all  the  action  of  the  committee  of  safety  and  acting  only 
upon  his  sense  of  duty  to  the  people  of  the  United  States  who 
were  in  Honolulu,  Capt.  Wiltse  came  to  the  conclusion  that  the 
troops  should  be  landed,  and  he  put  them  in  a  state  of  prepar- 
ation for  that  purpose  by  lowering  the  boats,  filling  the  car- 
tridge belts  of  the  men,  and  supplying  them  with  proper 


174 


accouterments  for  a  stay  on  shore.  After  these  preparations 
had  been  completed  Minister  Stevens  went  on  board  the  ship 
(on  Monday),  and  had  an  interview  with  Capt.  Wiltse.  The 
evidence  shows  that  this  interview  related  alone  to  the  question 
of  the  preservation  of  law  and  order  in  Hawaii  and  the  protec- 
tion of  Americans  in  their  treaty  rights.  It  seem  that  neither 
Minister  Stevens  nor  Capt.  Wiltse  then  fully  comprehended  the 
fact  that  the  United  States  had  the  right,  of  its  own  authority, 
to  send  the  troops  on  shore  for  the  purpose  of  supplying  to 
American  citizens  resident  there  the  protection  of  law,  which 
had  been  withdrawn  or  annulled,  because  of  the  fact  that  there 
was  then  an  interregnum  in  the  executive  department  of  the 
Government  of  Hawaii.  The  rights  of  the  United  States  at  that 
moment  were  greater  than  they  were  supposed  to  be  by  Minis- 
ter Stevens  or  Capt.  Wiltse,  and  they  were  not  the  result  of 
treaty  rights  or  obligations,  but  of  that  unfailing  right  to  give 
protection  to  citizens  of  the  United  States  in  any  country  where 
they  may  be  found,  when  the  local  authorities  have,  through 
their  own  mismanagement  or  contrivance,  rendered  nugatory 
the  power  of  the  government  to  perform  its  proper  duties  in  the 
protection  of  their  lives,  property  and  peace. 

A  further  statement  of  ascertained  facts  may  be  necessary  in 
order  to  bring  out  more  clearly  the  situation  in  Hawaii  on 
Saturday,  the  14th  day  of  January,  and  to  render  more  conspic- 
uous the  justification  of  the  United  States  in  entering  with  its 
troops  upon  the  soil  of  Hawaii  for  the  protection  of  all  the 
rights  of  its  citizens. 


On  Saturday  afternoon  and  Sunday  earnest  and  decisive  steps 
were  being  taken  by  the  people  of  Honolulu  who  were  most 
prominent  in  social  influence  and  in  commerce  and  the  profes- 
sions, to  arm  the  people  who  resented  the  disloyalty  of  the 
Queen  to  the  constitution  and  to  install  a  new  executive  head 
of  the  Government.  This  movement  had  resulted  in  the  organ- 
ization of  a  committee  of  safety,  that  proposed  a  programme  for 
the  purpose  of  inaugurating  a  Provisional  Government.  This 
was  an  open,  public  movement,  which  the  Queen  took  no  steps 
to  suppress.  No  arrests  were  made,  and  even  the  apprehension 
of  arrests  seems  to  have  been  almost  entirely  absent  from  the 
minds  of  the  people  engaged  in  this  movement.  An  effort  was 
made  to  divert  those  people  from  their  purpose,  on  Monday 
morning,  by  the  Queen  and  her  ministers,  who  caused  the  fol- 
lowing notice  to  be  posted  on  the  streets  of  Honolulu  : 

"BY  AUTHORITY. 

"Her  Majesty's  ministers  desire  to  express  their  appreciation 
for  the  quiet  and  order  whicli  have  prevailed  in  this  community 
since  the  events  of  Saturday,  and  are  authorized  to  say  that  the 
position  taken  by  her  Majesty  in  regard  to  the  promulgation  of 
a  new  constitution  was  under  the  stress  of  her  native  subjects. 

"  Authority  is  given  for  the  assurance  that  any  changes  de- 
sired in  the  fundamental  law  of  the  land  will  be  sought  only 
by  the  methods  provided  in  the  constitution  itself. 

"  Her  Majesty's  ministers   request  all  citizens  to  accept  the 


175 


assurance  of  Her  Majesty  in  the   same   spirit    in   which    it   is 
given." 

This  paper  purported  to  be  signed  by  the  Queen  and  her 
ministers,  Samuel  Parker,  minister  of  foreign  affairs  ;  W.  H. 
Cornwell,  minister  of  finance  ;  John  F.  Colburn,  minister  of 
the  inferior  ;  and  A.  P.  Peterson,  attorney-general. 

The  Queen  did  not  sign  it  in  her  official  character  by  affix- 
ing the  letter  R  to  her  name,  and  the  tenor  of  the  paper  indi- 
cates that  it  was,  in  fact,  the  act  of  her  ministers,  to  which  she 
had  not  given  her  royal  assent  and  pledge.  This  paper  in 
itself  contains  undeniable  evidence  that  the  Queen  had  institu- 
ted a  coup  d'  etat  on  Saturday  by  the  promulgation  of  "a  new 
constitution,"  as  far,  at  least,  as  she  could  bind  herself  by  such 
an  act,  and  that  she  offered  the  excuse  for  this  revolt  against 
the  existing  constitution  which  she  had  sworn  to  support,  that 
she  had  acted  "  under  stress  of  her  native  subjects." 

Passing  by  the  fact  that  the  existence  of  this  "stress"  is  not 
established  by  any  satisfactory  evidence,  the  reference  to  it  in 
this  proclamation  discloses  her  willing  connection  with  the  pur- 
pose to  disfranchise  her  foreign-born  subjects,  that  being  the 
effect  of  the  provisions  of  the  "  new  constitution  "  that  she  in 
fact  promulgated,  so  far  as  she  could,  but  hesitated  to  swear  to 
for  the  want  of  sufficient  support  from  "her  native  subjects." 
The  assurance  given  that  future  efforts  "to  change"  the  con- 
stitution of  1887  should  be  conducted  only  in  the  method  there- 
in prescribed,  was  no  assurance  that  her  foreign-born  subjects 
should  be  protected  in  their  vital  liberties.  To  the  reverse,  it 


was  a  continuing  threat  that  they  should  be  disfranchised  and 
placed  at  the  mercy  of  the  racial  aggression,  backed  by  the 
power  of  the  crown.  The  declaration  of  the  Queen  made  in 
person  to  Minister  Willis,  on  three  occasions,  and  at  long  inter- 
vals of  time  after  the  lapse  of  nine  months  of  sedate  reflection, 
show  that  this  assurance,  given  in  fact  by  her  ministers,  was 
only  a  thin  disguise  of  her  real  purpose  to  drive  out  the  white 
population  and  ^confiscate  their  property,  and,  if  need  be,  to 
destroy  their  lives.  The  people  made  no  mistake  as  to  her 
animosity  toward  them,  and  proceeded  in  the  same  orderly 
manner,  for  which  the  ministers  gave  them  thanks  in  this  proc- 
lamation, to  designate  an  executive  head  of  the  Government  in 
place  of  the  abdicated  Queen,  the  abdication  being  completed 
and  confirmed  by  the  only  authentic  expression  of  the  popular 
will,  and  by  the  recognition  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  Hawaii. 

Another  fact  of  importance  connected  with  the  situation  at 
that  time  is  that  a  committee  of  law  and  order,  consisting  of 
supporters  of  the  Queen,  had  on  Monday  morning  posted  in 
public  places  in  Honolulu  the  following  call  for  a  public  meet- 
ing and  explanation  of  the  purposes  of  the  Queen  in  abrogating 
the  constitution  of  1887  and  in  substituting  one  which  she  de- 
sired and  attempted  to  promulgate  by  their  authority  as  the 
organic  law  of  the  land.  This  proclamation  was  printed  in  the 
Hawaiian  language,  and  a  translation  of  it  is  appended  to  this 
report.  It  was  printed  in  an  extra  edition  of  a  newspaper 
called  the  Ka  Leo  o  Ka  Lahui,  published  in  Honolulu  in  the 
Hawaiian  language.  "  The  stress  of  her  native  subjects,"  which 


176 


is  mentioned  by  the  Queen  in  the  proclamation  which  was 
posted  in  English  on  the  morning  of  January  16,  is  evidently 
expressed  in  the  terms  of  this  announcement  and  call,  and  it 
shows  that  it  was  based  upon  racial  distinction  and  prejudice 
entirely,  and  indicates  the  feeling  of  resentment  and  contro- 
versy which,  if  carried  into  effect  as  the  Queen  proposed  to 
carry  it  into  effect  under  the  constitution  which  she  intended 
to  proclaim,  would  have  resulted  in  the  destruction  of  the  rights 
of  property  and  lives  of  those  persons  who  were  styled  "mission- 
aries" and  their  posterity,  from  whom  Hawaii  had  derived  her 
enlightened  civilization,  Christianity,  constitution,  laws,  prog- 
ress, wealth  and  position  amongst  the  nations  of  the  earth. 
This  was  a  threat  of  dangerous  significance,  and  it  shows  the 
spirit  of  the  controversy  that  was  then  pervading  the  minds  of 
the  people  of  Honolulu,  and  illustrates  how  easy  it  was  to 
foment  strife  that  would  result  in  the  worst  of  evils,  in  a  com- 
munity thus  divided  and  thus  excited.  The  abuse  of  the  mis- 
sionaries and  missionary  party  in  this  call  shows  that  the  Queen 
and  her  immediate  followers  had  concentrated  their  efiorts 
upon  the  disfranchisementof  all  white  people  in  Hawaii,  and  the 
return  of  the  government  to  that  condition  of  debasement  from 
which  these  very  people  and  their  fathers  had  relieved  it. 
The  second  paragraph  in  this  call  is  as  follows  : 

"  THE    VOICE  OF   THE  CHIEF." 


''  On  the  afternoon  of  Saturday  last  the  voice  of  the  Sacred  Chief 
of  Hawaii,  Liliuokalani,  the  tabued  one,  speaking  as  follows  : 


"0,  ye  people  who  love  the  Chief,  I  hereby  say  to  you,  I  am 
now  ready  to  proclaim  the  new  constitution  for  my  Kingdom, 
thinking  that  it  would  be  successful,  but  behold  obstacles  have 
arisen  !  Therefore  I  say  unto  you,  loving  people,  go  with  good 
hope  and  do  not  be  disturbed  or  troubled  in  your  minds.  Be- 
cause, within  the  next  few  days  now  coming,  I  will  proclaim 
the  new  constitution. 

"' The  executive  officers  of  the  law  (the  cabinet)  knew  the 
errors  in  this  constitution,  but  they  said  nothing.' ': 

" '  Therefore  I  hope  that  the  thing  which  you,  my  people,  so 
much  want  will  be  accomplished  ;  it  also  is  my  strong  desire.'  " 

Here  is  a  direct  accusation  by  the  Queen  against  her  cabinet, 
all  of  whom  with  one  exception,  were  white  men,  that  they  had 
misled  her  as  to  the  effect  of  the  constitution,  and  had  failed  to 
point  out  errors  in  it  which,  as  a  pretext,  led  to  its  rejection  by 
them,  causing  them  to  i-efuse  at  the  last  moment  to  join  with 
her  in  its  promulgation.  This  call  was,  in  fact,  a  new  promise 
which  was  made  by  the  Queen,  with  the  evident  consent  of  her 
immediate  native  followers,  that  within  the  next  few  days  now 
coming  she  would  proclaim  the  new  constitution,  notwithstand- 
ing her  failure  to  give  it  a  successful  promulgation  on  the  pre- 
ceding Saturday.  The  intensity  of  the  Queen's  opposition  to 
the  missionaries  and  the  white  people  was  caused  by  her  inten- 
tion that  the  Kingdom  should  return  to  its  former  absolute 
character,  and  that  the  best  results  of  civilization  in  Hawaii 
should  be  obliterated. 

Civilization  and  constitutional  government  in  Hawaii  are  the 


177 


foster  children  of  the  American  Christian  missionaries.  It  can 
not  be  justly  charged  to  the  men  and  women  who  inaugurated 
this  era  of  humanity,  light  and  justice  in  these  islands  that 
either  they  or  their  posterity  or  their  followers,  whether  native 
or  foreign,  have  faltered  in  their  devotion  to  their  exalted 
purposes.  They  have  not  pursued  any  devious  course  in  their 
conduct,  nor  have  they  done  any  wrong  or  harm  to  the  Haw- 
aiian people  or  their  native  rulers.  They  have  not  betrayed 
any  trust  confided  to  them,  nor  have  they  encouraged  any  vice 
or  pandered  to  any  degrading  sentiment  or  practice  among 
those  people.  Among  the  native  Hawaiians,  where  they  found 
paganism  in  the  most  abhorrent  forms  of  idolatory,  debauchery, 
disease,  ignorance  and  cruelty  seventy-five  years  ago,  they 
planted  and  established,  with  the  free  consent  and  eager 
encouragement  of  those  natives  and  without  the  shedding 
of  blood,  the  Christian  ordinance  of  marriage,  supplanting 
polygamy ;  a  reverence  for  the  character  of  women  and  a 
respect  for  their  rights  ;  the  Christian  Sabbath  and  freedom  of 
religious  faith  and  worship,  as  foundations  of  society  and  of  the 
state  ;  universal  education,  including  the  kings  and  the  pea- 
santry; temperance  in  place  of  the  orgies  of  drunkenness  that 
were  all-pervading ;  and  the  separate  holding  of  lands  upon 
which  the  people  built  their  homes.  In  doing  these  benevolent 
works  the  American  missionary  did  not  attempt  to  assume  the 
powers  and  functions  of  political  government.  As  education, 
enlightenment,  and  the  evident  benefits  of  civilization  revealed 
to  those  in  authority  the  necessity  of  wise  and  faithful  counsels 


in  building  up  and  regulating  the  government,  to  meet  those 
new  conditions,  the  kings  invited  some  of  the  best  qualified  and 
most  trusted  of  these  worthy  men  to  aid  them  in  developing 
and  conducting  the  civil  government.  As  a  predicate  for  this 
work  they  freely  consented  to  and  even  suggested  the  giving 
up  of  some  of  their  absolute  powers  and  to  place  others  under 
the  constraint  of  constitutional  limitations.  They  created  an 
advisory  council  and  a  legislature  and  converted  Hawaii  from 
an  absolute  despotism  into  a  land  of  law.  The  cabinet  minis- 
ters thus  chosen  from  the  missionary  element  were  retained  in 
office  during  very  long  periods,  thus  establishing  the  confidence 
of  the  kings  and  the  people  in  their  integrity,  wisdom  and 
loyalty  to  the  Government.  No  charge  of  defection,  or  dis- 
honesty was  ever  made  against  any  of  these  public  servants 
during  the  reign  of  the  Kamehamehas,  nor  indeed  at  any  time. 
They  acquired  property  in  moderate  values  by  honest  means, 
and  labored  to  exhibit  to  the  people  the  advantages  of  indus- 
try, frugality,  economy  and  thrift. 

The  progressive  elevation  of  the  country  and  of  the  people 
from  the  very  depravity  of  paganism  into  an  enlightened  and 
educated  commonwealth  and  the  growth  of  their  industries  and 
wealth  will  be  seen  at  a  glance  in  the  statements  of  the  most 
important  events  and  in  the  tables  showing  the  most  important 
results  of  their  work  and  influence,  which  are  set  forth  in  the 
evidence  accompanying  this  report.  This  array  of  undisputed 
facts  shows  that,  with  Christianity  and  education  as  the  basis, 
there  has  come  over  Hawaii  the  most  rapid  and  successful  im- 


178 


provement  in  political,  industrial  and  commercial  conditions 
that  has  marked  the  course  of  any  people  in  Christendom. 

In  the  message  of  President  Tyler  to  Congress  he  says  : 

"  The  condition  of  those  islands  has  excited  a  good  deal  of 
interest,  which  is  increasing  by  every  successive  proof  that  their 
inhabitants  are  making  progress  in  civilization  and  becoming 
more  and  more  competent  to  maintain  regular  and  orderly 
government.  They  lie  in  the  Pacific  Ocean,  much  nearer  to 
this  continent  than  the  other,  and  have  become  an  important 
place  for  the  refitment  and  provisioning  of  American  and 
European  vessels. 

"  Owing  to  their  locality  and  to  the  course  of  the  winds  which 
prevail  in  this  quarter  of  the  world  the  Sandwich  Islands  are 
the  stopping  place  for  almost  all  vessels  passing  from  continent 
to  continent  across  the  Pacific  Ocean.  They  are  especially 
resorted  to  by  the  great  numbers  of  vessels  of  the  United  States 
which  are  engaged  in  the  whale  fishery  in  those  seas.  The 
number  of  vessels  of  all  sorts  and  the  amount  of  property  owned 
by  citizens  of  the  United  States  which  are  found  in  those  islands 
in  the  course  of  a  year  are  stated  probably  with  sufficient 
accuracy  in  the  letter  of  the  agents. 

"Just  emerging  from  a  state  of  barbarism,  the  "Government 
of  the  islands  is  as  yet  feeble  ;  but  its  dispositions  appear  to  be 
just  and  pacific,  and  it  seems  anxious  to  improve  the  conditions 
of  its  people  by  the  introduction  of  knowledge,  of  religious  and 
moral  institutions,  means  of  education,  and  the  arts  of  civilized 
life." 


In  the  House  of  Representatives  this  subject  was  referred  to 
the  Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs,  and  Hon.  John  Q.  Adams, 
in  concluding  his  report  upon  the  subject,  says  : 

"  It  is  a  subject  of  cheering  contemplation  to  the  friends  of 
human  improvement  and  virtue  that,  by  the  mild  and  gentle 
influence  of  Christian  charity,  dispensed  by  humble  mission- 
aries of  the  gospel,  unarmed  with  secular  power,  within  the  last 
quarter  of  a  century  the  people  of  this  group  of  islands  have 
been  converted  from  the  lowest  debasement  of  idolatry  to  the 
blessings  of  the  Christian  gospel  ;  united  under  one  balanced 
government ;  rallied  to  the  fold  of  civilization  by  a  written 
language  and  constitution,  providing  security  for  the  rights  of 
persons,  property,  and  mind,  and  invested  with  all  the  elements 
of  right  and  power  which  can  entitle  them  to  be  acknowledged 
by  their  brethren  of  the  human  race  as  a  separate  and  inde- 
pendent community.  To  the  consummation  of  their  acknowl- 
edgment the  people  of  the  North  American  Union  are  urged 
by  an  interest  of  their  own  deeper  than  that  of  any  other  por- 
tion of  the  inhabitants  of  the  earth — lay  a  virtual  right  of  con- 
quest, not  over  the  freedom  of  their  brother  man  by  the  brutal 
arm  of  physical  power,  but  over  the  mind  and  heart  by  the 
celestial  panoply  of  the  gospel  of  peace  and  love." 

It  can  not  be  other  than  a  proud  reflection  of  the  American 
people  that  the  free  institutions  of  the  United  States  gave  origin 
and  impulsive  zeal,  as  well  as  guidance,  to  the  good  men  who 
laid  these  foundations  of  civil  government  in  Hawaii  upon 
written  constitutions  supported  by  the  oaths  of  those  in  author- 


179 


ity  and  loyally  sustained  by  those  of  the  people  who  are  vir- 
tuous and  intelligent.  Nor  can  the  American  people  condemn 
the  firm  adhesion  of  those  whose  rights  are  guaranteed  by  con- 
stitutional law  in  Hawaii  to  the  demand  that  is  now  made  for 
the  maintenance  of  its  permanent  integrity.  Jf  nothing  but  a 
decent  respect  for  our  national  example  was  in  question,  if  there 
was  no  question  in  Hawaii  that  concerned  the  people  of  the 
United  States  except  that  of  a  relapse  of  that  Government  into 
absolute  monarchy,  if  there  was  no  degradation  of  society  in- 
volved in  this  falling  away,  no  destruction  of  property  and 
liberty  in  contemplation,  there  would  still  be  enough  in  the 
conditions  now  presented  there  to  excite  the  most  anxious 
interest  of  our  people.  Citizens  of  the  United  States  with  wis- 
dom, charity,  Christian  faith  and  a  love  of  constitutional  gov- 
ernment, have  patiently,  laboriously,  and  honestly  built  up 
Hawaii  into  a  civilized  power  under  a  written  constitution,  and 
they  can  justly  claim  the  sympathy  and  assistance  of  all  civil- 
ized people  in  resisting  its  destruction,  either  to  gratify  a  wan- 
ton lust  of  absolute  power  on  the  part  of  the  Queen,  or  the 
abuse  of  its  authority  in  fostering  vice  and  rewarding  crime. 
The  facts  of  recent  history  present  broadly  and  distinctly  the 
question  between  an  absolute  and  corrupt  monarchy  in  Hawaii, 
and  a  government  in  which  the  rights  and  liberties  guaranteed 
by  a  written  constitution  shall  be  respected  and  preserved. 
The  facts  do  not  show  that  the  people  who  built  up  this  consti- 
tutional system  and  have  based  upon  it  wholesome  laws  and  a 
well  balanced  and  well  guarded  plan  of  administration  have 


had  any  desire  to  abrogate  the  organic  laws,  corrupt  the  statute 
laws,  or  to  dethrone  the  Queen.  In  every  phase  of  their  deal- 
ings with  these  questions  their  course  has  been  conservative, 
and  the  defense  of  their  lives,  liberty  and  property,  and  the 
honest  administration  of  the  government  has  been  the  real 
motive  of  their  actions.  They  are  not,  therefore,  to  be  justly 
classed  as  conspirators  against  the  Government.  That  they 
turn  their  thoughts  toward  the  United  States  and  desire  annex- 
ation to  this  country  could  not  be  denied  without  imputing  to 
them  the  loss  of  the  sentiment  of  love  and  reverence  for  this 
Republic  that  is  utterly  unknown  to  our  people. 

On  Monday,  the  16th  of  January,  1893,  Hawaii  was  passing 
through  the  severe  ordeal  of  a  trial  which  was  conducted  by  the 
people  who  arrayed  themselves  on  the  side  of  the  Queen  and 
those  who  were  organized  in  opposition  to  her  revolutionary 
purposes.  The  Queen  seems  to  have  abandoned  the  controver- 
sy into  the  hands  of  the  people,  and  made  no  effort  to  suppress 
the  meeting  of  the  citizens  opposed  to  her  revolutionary  pro- 
ceedings by  calling  out  her  troops  to  disperse  the  meeting  or  to 
arrest  its  leaders.  Both  the  meetings  were  quiet  and  orderly, 
but  the  meeting  at  the  arsenal  was  intensely  earnest,  and  men 
were  heard  to  express  their  opinions  freely  and  without  inter- 
ruption at  both  meetings,  and  they  came  to  their  resolutions 
without  disturbance.  When  these  meetings  dispersed,  the 
Queen's  effort  to  reject  the  constitution  of  1887  had  been 
approved  by  the  one  meeting  held  on  the  palace  grounds  and 
composed  almost  entirely  of  native  Kanakas  ;  the  other  meeting 


180 


>     210  &  212 

NUUANU 


had  resolved  to  establish  a  provisional  government,  and  formed 
a  committee  to  proceed  with  its  organization.  The  Queen, 
though  thus  strongly  endorsed  by  her  native-born  subjects,  as 
she  calls  them,  did  not  venture  any  arrests  of  the  alleged  revo- 
lutionists, but  evidently  conscious  that  the  revolution  which 
she  had  endeavored  to  set  on  foot  had  failed  of  sufficient  sup- 
port, she  did  not  use  her  troops  or  the  police  or  any  other  power 
in  the  direction  of  asserting  her  royal  authority.  The  meeting 
of  the  people  at  the  arsenal  was  followed  by  organization,  the 
arming  of  the  citizens,  the  strong  array  of  forces,  and  a  deter- 
mined spirit  of  success  which  has  materialized  into  an  estab- 
lished government  that  has  continued  to  exist  for  more  than  a 
year,  practically  without  any  opposition  in  Hawaii,  and  with 
the  recognition  of  many  great  powers,  including  the  United 
States.  These  events  show,  beyond  reasonable  dispute,  the 
acceptance  by  the  people  of  Hawaii  of  the  judgment  and  deter- 
mination of  the  meeting  at  the  arsenal  that  the  Queen  had 
abdicated,  that  her  authority  had  departed,  that  she  and  her 
ministers  had  submitted  to  the  inevitable,  and  that  they 
retained  no  longer  any  substantial  ground  of  hope  or  expecta- 
tion that  the  Queen  would  be  restored  to  her  former  office. 

The  question  whether  such  a  state  of  affairs  as  is  shown  by 
the  undisputed  facts  in  this  case  constitute  an  abdication  and 
created  an  interregnum  was  passed  upon  in  England  with 
more  care,  because  of  the  serious  results  that  followed  the 
decision,  than  seems  to  have  been  bestowed  upon  a  like  contro- 
versy in  any  other  country. 


The  people  of  Great  Britain  have  many  liberties  that  are 
firmly  established  in  the  traditions  of  that  country,  and  on 
many  occasions  they  have  asserted  their  rights,  as  the  basis  of 
governmental  power,  with  great  determination  and  success.  In 
1688,  when  James  II  was  on  the  throne,  his  severe  conduct, 
exercised  through  the  judiciary  of  the  Kingdom  and  in  other 
ways,  and  a  strong  adhesion  to  the  Catholic  religion,  caused 
the  people  of  Great  Britain  to  accuse  him  of  an  intention  to 
violate  their  unwritten  constitution.  He  was  a  great  and 
powerful  king,  and  had  accomplished  very  much  for  the  glory 
and  honor  of  England.  But  the  people  of  England  held  him 
to  an  observance  of  the  spirit  of  his  oath  of  loyalty  to  the  con- 
stitution of  that  country,  and,  when  they  became  satisfied  that 
he  had  made  an  effort  to  subvert  it,  they  in  their  Parliament 
passed  upon  the  question  of  his  abdication  and  held  that  his 
intention  and  effort  to  violate  the  constitution  robbed  him  of 
his  title  to  the  crown  and  opened  the  door  to  the  establishment 
of  a  new  dynasty.  Blackstone,  in  speaking  of  these  events, 
says  : 

"  King  James  II  succeeded  to  the  throne  of  his  ancestors,  and" 
might  have  enjoyed  it  during  the  remainder  of  his  life  but  for 
his  own  infatuated  conduct  which,  with  other  concurring  cir- 
cumstances, brought  on  the  revolution  in  1688. 

"The  true  ground  and  principle  upon  whioh  that  memorable 
event  proceeeded  was  an  entirely  new  case  in  politics,  which 
had  never  before  happened  in  our  history — the  abdication  of 
the  reigning  monarch  and  the  vacancy  of  the  throne  thereupon. 


181 


It  was  not  a  defeasance  of  the  right  of  succession  and  a  new 
limitation  of  the  crown  by  the  King  and  both  Houses  of  Par- 
liament ;  it  was  the  act  of  the  nation  alone  upon  the  conviction 
that  there  was  no  king  in  being.  For,  in  a  full  assembly  of 
the  lords  and  commons,  met  in  a  convention  upon  the  supposi- 
tion of  this  vacancy,  both  houses  came  to  this  resolution  : 
'That  King  James  II,  having  endeavored  to  subvert  the  con- 
stitution of  the  Kingdom  by  breaking  the  original  contract 
between  King  and  people ;  and,  by  the  advice  of  Jesuits  aud 
other  wicked  persons,  having  violated  the  fundamental  law  and 
having  withdrawn  himself  out  of  this  Kingdom  has  abdicated 
the  Government,  and  that  the  throne  is  hereby  vacant."1 

Proceeding  further,  this  eminent  jurist  says  : 

"For  whenever  a  question  arises  between  the  society  at  large 
and  any  magistrate  vested  with  powers  originally  delegated  by 
that  society  it  must  be  decided  by  the  voice  of  the  society  itself: 
there  is  not  upon  earth  any  other  tribunal  to  resort  to.  And 
that  these  consequences  were  fairly  deduced  from  these  facts 
our  ancestors  have  solemnly  determined  in  a  full  parliamentary 
convention  representing  the  whole  society." 

Further  quoting  from  Blackstone,  he  says  : 

''They  held  that  this  misconduct  of  King  James  amounted 
to  an  endeavor  to  subvert  the  constitution  and  not  to  an  actual 
subversion  or  total  dissolution  of  the  Government,  according  to 
the  principles  of  Mr.  Locke,  which  would  have  reduced  the 
society  almost  to  a  state  of  nature  ;  would  have  leveled  all  dis- 
tinctions of  honor,  rank,  offices,  and  property  ;  would  have 


annihilated  the  sovereign  power,  and  in  consequence  have  re- 
pealed all  positive  laws,  and  would  have  left  the  people  at 
liberty  to  have  erected  a  new  system  of  State  upon  a  new  foun- 
dation of  polity.  They  therefore  very  prudently  voted  it  to 
amount  to  no  more  than  an  abdication  of  the  Government  and  a 
consequent  vacancy  of  the  throne,  whereby  the  Government 
was  allowed  to  subsist  though  the  executive  magistrate  was 
gone,  and  the  kingly  office  to  remain  though  King  James  was 
no  longer  King.  And  thus  the  constitution  was  kept  entire, 
which  upon  every  sound  principle  of  government  must  other- 
wise have  fallen  to  pieces  had  so  principal  and  constituent  a 
part  as  the  royal  authority  been  abolished  or  even  suspended. 

"This  single  postulatum,  the  vacancy  of  the  throne,  being 
once  established,  the  rest  that  was  then  done  followed  almost  of 
course.  For,  if  the  throne  be  at  any  time  vacant  (which  may 
happen  by  other  means  than  that  of  abdication,  as  if  all  the 
blood-royal  should  fail,  without  any  successor  appointed  by 
Parliament) — if,  I  say,  a  vacancy,  by  any  means  whatsoever, 
should  happen,  the  right  of  disposing  of  this  vacancy  seems 
naturally  to  result  to  the  Lords  and  Commons,  the  trustees  and 
representatives  of  the  nation.  For  there  are  no  other  hands  in 
which  it  can  so  properly  be  intrusted  ;  and  there  is  a  necessity 
of  it*  being  intrusted  somewhere,  else  the  whole  frame  of  gov- 
ernment must  dissolve  and  perish." 

The  principle  on  which  this  decision  in  regard  to  King  James 
II  rests  is  still  stronger  when  it  is  applied  to  persons  who  are 
citizens  of  the  United  States  but  who  reside  in  Hawaii,  and  by 


182 


the  constitution  and  laws  of  Hawaii  are  admitted  into  an  active 
participation  in  the  conduct  of  government,  both  as  officehold- 
ers and  as  qualified  electors.  If  they,  in  connection  with  the 
native  or  naturalized  subjects  of  the  Kingdom  of  Hawaii,  unite 
in  demanding  the  preservation  of  their  constitutional  rights, 
there  should  be  no  captious. or  technical  objections  taken  to  the 
assertion  of  that  right,  or  to  the  manner  of  its  exercise. 

In  reference  to  all  citizens  of  the  United  States  residing  in 
Hawaii  and  not  actual  members  or  officers  of  that  Government, 
the  spirit  of  our  laws,  in  accordance  with  the  principles  of  the 
Constitution  and  the  traditions  of  the  people,  should  be  applied 
to  their  protection,  when  it  is  the  duty  of  the  United  States  to 
protect  them,  and  especially  are  they  entitled  to  the  full  advan- 
tage of  the  protection  that  is  afforded  under  that  doctrine  of 
personal  liberty  and  security  which  upholds  the  authority  of 
governments  de  facto.  When  such  a  government  arises  out  of 
alleged  abuses  and  grievances  and  is  set  up  in  good  faith  by 
the  intelligent  classes  to  succeed  a  monarchy  in  a  state  that  is 
the  only  monarchy  in  a  sisterhood  of  many  republics,  the  rules 
governing  its  recognition  are  not  those  that  seem  to  control  in 
cases  where  the  state  is  a  sole  republic  surrounded  by  an  envir- 
onment of  monarchies. 

In  Europe,  where  governmental  successions  have  no  relation 
to  the  will  of  the  people,  every  presumption  that  can  be  made 
to  support  the  regal  system  is  adopted  and  enforced  with  rigid 
care.  The  old  conditions  are  presumed  to  exist  in  a  regal  gov- 
ernment until  the  new  government  has  accomplished  a  com- 


plete revolution  and  until  nothing  remains  to  be  done  to  secure 
an  uninterrupted  and  unembarrassed  installation  of  its  author- 
ity. Those  presumptions  are  all  in  favor  of  the  crown  and  are 
easily  applied  in  practical  use,  as  the  crown  is  a  political  unit 
and  acts  with  certainty  in  the  assertion  of  its  claims.  When 
the  rights  asserted  against  the  crown  are  set  up  by  the  people, 
or  for  the  people,  the  act  is  necessarily  a  representative  act,  and 
the  authority  of  the  alleged  representative  is  severely  questioned. 
Indeed,  it  is  not  considered  as  existing  in  European  countries 
until,  through  bloodshed  or  an  overwhelming  exhibition  of 
forces,  its  acknowledgment  is  literally  compelled.  The  re- 
verse of  this  rule  should  obtain  in  that  part  of  the  world  where 
it  is  held,  universally,  that  the  right  to  govern  depends  upon 
the  consent  of  the  governed  and  not  upon  the  divine  inheri- 
tance of  power.  In  a  controversy  like  that  in  Hawaii  the  pre- 
sumption is  in  favor  of  those  who  unite  to  assert  the  constitu- 
tional rights  of  the  people,  that  they  are  acting  in  good  faith, 
and  that  they  are  not  seeking  personal  aggrandizement,  but  the 
good  of  the  people.  When  such  a  popular  movement  engages 
the  evident  support  of  those  whom  the  people  have  trusted  for 
integrity  to  an  extent  that  inspires  a  just  confidence  of  success 
a  sufficient  foundation  exists,  at  least,  for  a  government  de  facto; 
and  it  is  no  more  necessary  to  its  validity  that  every  possible 
obstacle  to  its  final  success  has  been  removed  than  it  would  be 
necessary,  on  the  other  hand,  to  the  permanency  of  the  crown 
that  every  rebellious  subject  of  the  Queen  had  been  slain  or 
banished  and  their  estates  had  been  confiscated. 


183 


The  supporters  of  Liliuokalani  seem  to  be  enforced  into  the 
attitude  of  claiming  that  it  is  no  consequence  that  she  may 
have  forfeited  her  right  to  the  crown  and  had  placed  in  the 
power  of  the  people  lawfully  to  claim  that  this  was  an  abdica- 
tion, unless  the  people  had  overcome  and  removed  every  vestige 
of  her  power  before  they  proclaimed  the  Provisional  Govern- 
ment. Her  known  purpose  to  press  the  absolute  powers 
claimed  by  her  in  the  new  constitution  to  the  extent  of  the  ban- 
ishment or  death  of  the  white  population  seems  not  to  be  per- 
mitted to  excuse  the  action  of  the  people  in  displacing  her,  if 
they  had  not  captured  her  small  force  of  policemen  and  soldiers 
before  the  American  minister  had  recognized  the  Provisional 
Government. 

Liliuokalani  did  not  seem  to  take  this  narrow  view  of  the 
revolution  which  she  had  inaugurated. 

The  banishment  or  death  of  the  white  people  and  the  confis- 
cation of  their  estates  was  the  final  decree  recorded  in  the 
Queen's  heart  and  mind,  as  she  freely  stated  to  Minister  Willis, 
and  until  this  cruel  work  had  been  accomplished  she  held  that 
her  policy  of  revolution  would  be  a  failure.  There  is  some 
ground  for  hope  that  these  were  not  her  sincere  purposes  or 
wishes  but  that  in  giving  expression  to  them  she  was  ''playing 
a  part."  As  opposed  to  such  purposes,  or  to  a  Queen  who  could 
imagine  them  in  the  presence  of  the  constitutional  protection 
given  to  the  rights  and  liberties  of  the  people  throughout  this 
hemisphere,  Americans  should  not  hesitate  in  the  support  of  a 
government  de  facto,  set  up  to  oppose  her,  because  she  had  not 


made  a  formal  surrender  of  a  place  where  a  few  soldiers  and 
policemen  had  been  stationed,  who  were  powerless  to  hold  it 
against  the  people  then  under  arms.  It  was  an  act  of  mercy  to 
her  and  her  retainers  that  they  were  not  forced  into  the  com- 
mission of  acts  of  violence.  An  interregnum  existed  in  the 
executive  Government  of  Hawaii,  which  was  caused  by  the 
effort  of  the  Queen  to  destroy  the  constitution  of  1887,  and  by 
the  act  of  the  people  in  accepting  her  will  for  the  completed 
coup  d'  etnt,  and,  in  making  that  the  occasion  for  supplying  the 
executive  department  of  the  Government  with  a  chief. 

A  careful  investigation  has  failed  to  show  that  any  conspir- 
acy now  exists  that  is  directed  to  the  virtual  displacement  of 
the  Provisional  Government.  The  personal  efforts  of  the  Queen 
seem  to  have  been  directed  toward  a  provision  for  a  safe  and 
comfortable  life,  free  from  the  anxiety  of  office  and  "  the  stress 
of  her  native  subjects."  Her  power  of  attorney  to  Paul 
Neumann  and  his  mission  to  the  United  States  indicate  a  reli- 
ance on  the  "arts  of  peace"  rather  than  of  war  for  indemnity 
for  the  past  and  security  for  the  future.  The  opinions,  or  senti- 
ments, expressed  by  her  in  the  three  interviews  she  had  with 
Mr.  Willis,  in  which  she  uttered  the  severest  denunciations 
against  the  white  race  in  Hawaii,  and  declared  her  willingness, 
if  not  her  purpose,  to  confiscate  their  estates  and  to  banish  or 
to  destroy  them,  while  they  are  a  seeming  expression  of  the 
lofty  indignation  of  an  offended  ruler,  are  so  unsuited  to  the 
character  of  a  queen  crowned  by  a  Christian  and  civilized  peo- 
ple, and  so  out  of  keeping  with  her  character  as  a  woman  who 


184 


had  received  kindly  recognition  and  personal  regard  from  other 
good  and  refined  ladies,  that  they  shock  all  right-minded  people 
in  Christendom.  The  Government  of  the  United  States  should 
willingly  forbear  to  regard  these  utterances  as  her  official  ex- 
pression of  such  designs  upon  the  lives  and  liberties  of  those 
whom  she  would  find  in  her  power,  upon  her  restoration  to  the 
throne,  and  accept  them  as  a  means  adopted  by  her  to  convince 
Mr.  Willis  that  her  restoration  to  the  throne  was  impossible, 
and  was  not  in  accordance  with  her  wishes. 

The  President,  on  the  first  intimation  of  these  harsh  declara- 
tions of  the  Queen,  at  once  laid  them  before  Congress,  and 
abandoned  the  further  exercise  of  his  good  offices  to  bring  about 
a  reconciliation  between  her  and  those  who  were  conducting 
and  supporting  the  Provisional  Government. 

Mr.  Willis,  however,  regarding  his  instructions  as  continuing 
to  require  his  intercession  beyond  the  point  where  the  President 
considered  that  it  should  cease,  held  a  second  and  third  inter- 
view with  Liliuokalani.  After  these  interviews  had  closed,  the 
Queen  being  still  firm  in  her  course,  Mr.  Carter,  a  trusted  friend, 
obtained  her  signature  to  a  pledge  of  amnesty,  and  made  that 
the  basis  of  his  proposition  to  Mr.  Dole  for  the  abandonment  of 
the  Provisional  Government,  which  was  summarily  refused. 
This  closed  that  incident.  Mr.  Willis,  in  what  he  did,  obeyed 
what  he  conceived  to  be  his  instructions,  and  being  so  distant 
from  Washington,  it  is  a  matter  of  regret,  but  not  of  surprise, 
that  there  was  an  apparent  want  of  harmony  between  his  action 
in  continuing  his  interviews  with  Liliuokalani  after  the  Presi- 


dent had  determined  that  the  full  duty  of  the  Government  had 
been  performed. 

The  attitude  of  Liliuokalani  at  the  conclusion  of  this  proceed- 
ing is  that  of  waiting  for  a  pleasant  retirement  from  the  cares 
of  public  life,  rather  than  of  waiting  for  an  opportunity  to  bring 
about  a  hostile  collision  with  the  people  who  support  the  new 
order  of  government  in  Hawaii. 

In  dealing  with  a  grave  subject,  now  for  the  first  time  pre- 
sented in  America,  we  must  consider  the  conditions  of  public 
sentiment  as  to  monarchic  government,  and  we  shall  derive 
also  material  help  from  the  light  of  English  history.  In  the 
Western  Hemisphere,  except  as  to  the  colonial  relation,  which 
has  become  one  of  mere  political  alliance  chiefly  for  commercial 
reasons  and  does  not  imply  in  any  notable  case  absolute  sub- 
jection to  imperial  or  royal  authority,  royalty  no  longer  exists. 
When  a  crown  falls,  in  any  kingdom  of  the  Western  Hemi- 
sphere, it  is  pulverized,  and  when  a  scepter  departs,  it  departs 
forever;  and  American  opinion  can  not  sustain  any  American 
ruler  in  the  attempt  to  restore  them,  no  matter  how  virtuous 
and  sincere  the  reasons  may  be  that  seem  to  justify  him. 
There  have  been  heathen  temples  in  the  older  States  in  this 
hemisphere  where  the  bloody  orgies  of  pagan  worship  and  sacri- 
fice have  crimsoned  history  with  shame  ;  and  very  recently 
such  temples  have  been  erected  in  the  United  States  to  abuse 
Christianity  by  the  use  of  its  sacred  name  and  ritual.  When 
the  arms  of  invaders,  or  mobs  of  the  people,  have  destroyed 
these  temples,  no  just  indignation  at  the  cruelties  that  may 


185 


have  been  perpetrated  in  their  destruction  could  possibly 
justify  their  restoration. 

It  is  a  great  blessing  to  this  Western  World  that  the  nations 
are  to  be  spared  the  calamities  which  Blackstone  describes  as 
"  imbruing  the  kingdom  of  England  in  blood  and  confusion," 
growing  out  of  claims  of  succession  to  the  crown.  In  almost 
every  reign  prior  to  that  of  the  present  house  of  Hanover  the 
lives  and  property  of  the  people  of  England,  amid  the  greatest 
cruelties,  have  been  sacrificed  in  settling  pretensions  to  the  crown. 
It  was  these  conflicts  and  this  distress  of  innocent  sufferers  that 
caused  the  people  to  claim  through  the  judges  the  protection  of 
the  doctrine  that  service  rendered  to  the  king,  who  held  the 
scepter  was  lawful,  although  he  was  not  rightfully  in  possession 
of  the  crown.  No  greater  liberty  of  the  people  was  ever  devised 
or  granted  than  the  right  of  protection  under  a  king  </« /rtcfo 
against  a  king  de  jure. 

De  facto  governments,  when  they  seek  to  supply  the  gap 
created  by  an  interregnum,  are  favored  in  the  international 
law,  and  when  they  are  also  based  on  the  right  of  popular  gov- 
ernment in  conflict  with  regal  government,  or  to  prevent  its 
re-establishment,  once  it  has  disappeared  in  a  State  of  the 
Western  Hemisphere,  it  is  so  rooted  and  established  in  the 
foundations  of  the  rightful  authority  to  rule  that  it  is  justly  to 
be  ranked  among  the  cardinal  liberties  of  the  people. 

This  doctrine  is  not  new,  and  yet  it  is  modern  in  England, 
where  the  right  to  the  crown  and  its  prerogatives  have  bled  the 
people  for  fifteen  centuries.  The  stringent  doctrine  that  a 


de  facto  government  must  be  established  firmly  in  all  respects 
before  it  is  entitled  to  recognition  by  another  sovereign  and 
power  had  no  application  to  the  facts  and  circumstances  that 
attended  the  recent  revolution  in  Hawaii  ;  moreover  if  the 
revolution  there  had  been  directed  against  the  entire  govern- 
ment and  for  the  overthrow  of  the  constitution  of  1887,  and  all 
monarchic  rule,  if  it  was  a  sincere,  strong,  earnest  and  success- 
ful movement  of  the  people  for  the  recovery  of  their  natural 
right  to  rule  themselves,  they  should  not  be  narrowly  ques- 
tioned and  held  to  rigid  account  for  a  proper  and  discreet  per- 
formance of  every  act  necessary  to  their  resumption'  of  their 
natural  rights,  but  all  America  must  unite  in  the  declaration 
that,  under  such  circumstances,  the  presumption  of  law  should 
be  favorable  to  such  movements,  rather  than  unfriendly  to  the 
establishment  by  the  people  of  the  foundations  of  their  liberties, 
based  upon  their  right  to  govern  themselves. 

The  parliament  of  Hawaii  had  been  prorogued  by  the  Queen 
on  the  14th  day  of  January,  and  could  not  be  again  assembled 
under  the  constitution,  except  by  the  chief  executive  authority. 
Until  that  authority  was  supplied  in  some  way  therefore,  the 
Legislature  could  not  be  reconvened.  It  was  the  establishment 
of  that  authority,  the  chief  executive  head  of  the  nation,  which 
was  the  question  at  issue,  and  when  that  was  decided,  an  appeal 
to  the  Legislature  of  Hawaii  for  its  confirmation  or  ratification 
was  not  only  unnecessary,  but  might  have  resulted  in  a  counter- 
revolution. It  was,  therefore,  in  the  interest  of  peace,  good 
order,  and  right  government,  that  the  people  of  Hawaii,  who 


186 


&eC°. 

CORNER  FORT  i  MOTEL  STREETS 


DEALERS  IN  SURGICAL  SUPPLIES 
PERFUMERY 

TOILET  ARTICLES 


were  unopposed  in  their  process  of  organizing  an  executive  head 
for  the  Government,  should  proceed  to  do  so  as  they  did,  reg- 
ularly and  in  an  orderly,  firm  and  successful  manner.  Thus 
the  abdication  of  Liliuokalani  was  confirmed  and  has  so  con- 
tinued from  that  day  to  this.  The  Government  of  the  United 
States  has  on  various  occasions  recognized  the  succession  to  the 
executive  authority  as  residing  in  the  Provisional  Government 
initiated  at  that  public  meeting  at  the  arsenal  and  consum- 
mated on  the  17th  day  of  January  by  public  proclamation- 
Then,  on  the  19th  day  of  January  according  to  the  recognition 
of  the  United  States  from  which  there  has  been  no  dissent  or 
departure,  the  interregnum  ceased,  aud  the  executive  head  of 
the  Government  of  Hawaii  was  established.  Until  this  was 
completed,  on  the  17th  day  of  January,  by  the  proclamation  of 
the  Provisional  Government,  the  United  States  was  still 
charged,  under  every  principle  of  law  and  justice,  and  under 
the  highest  obligation  of  duty,  to  keep  her  forces  in  Honolulu, 
and  to  enforce,  in  virtue  of  her  sovereign  authority,  the  rights 
of  her  citizens  under  the  treaty  obligations  and  also  under  the 
laws  of  Hawaii,  relating  to  the  safety  of  person  and  property 
and  the  rights  of  industry,  commerce  and  hospitality  in  their 
free  pursuit  and  enjoyment.  And  when  the  Provisional  Gov- 
ernment was  thus  established,  it  rested  with  the  United  States 
to  determine  whether  the  Government  of  Hawaii  was  so  far 
rehabilitated  and  so  safely  established  that  these  rights  of  her 
citizens  could  be  intrusted  to  its  keeping.  The  recognition  of 
such  a  state  of  affairs,  within  a  country  whose  executive  depart- 


ment has  been  made  vacant  in  consequence  of  domestic  strife,  is 
quite  a  separate  and  different  proceeding,  both  in  form  and 
effect,  from  the  recognition  of  the  political  independence  of  a 
government  that  is  complete  in  its  organization.  In  the  latter 
case  the  recognition  excludes  all  rights  of  interference  in  its 
domestic  affairs,  while  in  the  former  it  is  the  right  and  duty  of 
supplying  the  protection  of  law  to  the  citizen  that  makes  inter- 
ference necessary  as  well  as  lawful. 

The  independence  of  Hawaii  as  a  sovereign  State  had  been 
long  recognized  by  the  United  States,  and  this  unhappy 
occasion  did  not  suggest  the  need  of  renewing  that  declaration. 
The  question  presented  in  Honolulu  on  and  after  the  12th  of 
January,  1893,  was  whether  the  Queen  continued  to  be  the 
executive  head  of  the  Government  of  Hawaii.  That  was  a 
question  of  fact  which  her  conduct  and  that  of  her  people 
placed  in  perilous  doubt  until  it  was  decided  by  the  proclama- 
tion of  a  new  executive.  Pending  that  question,  there  was  no 
responsible  executive  government  in  Hawaii.  On  the  17th  of 
January  that  doubt  was  resolved  to  the  satisfaction  of  the 
American  Minister,  and  of  all  other  representatives  of  foreign 
governments  in  Hawaii,  in  favor  of  the  Provisional  Govern- 
ment. This  recognition  did  not  give  to  the  Government  of 
Hawaii  the  legal  or  moral  right  to  expel  the  troops  of  any 
government,  stationed  in  Honolulu  in  the  period  of  interreg- 
num, until  it  had  so  firmly  established  its  authority  as  to  give 
to  foreigners  the  security  to  provide  for  which  these  troops  liad 
been  landed.  Good  faith  and  honest  respect  for  the  right  of 


187 


friendly  nations  would  certainly  require  the  withdrawal  of  all      duty  or  abridge  his  right  to  call  for  the  troops  on  the  Bontnn  to 


further  interference  with  the  domestic  affairs  of  Hawaii  as  soon 
as  that  Government  had  provided  security  that  was  reasonably 
sufficient  for  the  protection  of  the  citizens  of  the  United  States. 
But  the  Government  of  the  United  States  had  the  right  to  keep 
its  troops  in  Honolulu  until  these  conditions  were  performed, 
and  the  Government  of  Hawaii  could  certainly  acquiesce  in 
such  a  policy  without  endangering  its  independence  or  detract- 
ing from  its  dignity.  This  was  done,  and  the  troops  from  the 
Boston  camped  on  shore  for  several  months.  The  precise  hour 
when  or  the  precise  conditions  under  which  the  American 
Minister  recognized  the  Provisional  Government  is  not  a  matter 
of  material  importance.  It  was  his  duty,  at  the  earliest  safe 
period,  to  assist  by  his  recognition  in  the  termination  of  the 
interregnum,  so  that  citizens  of  the  United  States  might  be 
safely  remitted  to  the  care  of  that  Government  for  the  security 
of  their  rights.  As  soon  as  he  was  convinced  that  the  Provi- 
sional Government  was  secure  against  overthrow,  it  was  his 
duty  to  recognize  the  rehabilitated  State.  Whether  this  was 
done  an  hour  or  two  sooner  or  later  could  make  no  substantial 
difference  as  to  his  rights  or  duties,  if  he  was  satisfied  that  the 
movement  was  safe  against  reversal.  If  no  question  of  the 
annexation  of  Hawaii  to  the  United  States  had  existed,  the  con- 
duct of  the  American  minister  in  giving  official  recognition  to 
the  Provisional  Government  would  not  have  been  the  subject 
of  adverse  criticism.  But  the  presence  of  that  question  and  his 
anxious  advocacv  of  annexation  did  not  relieve  him  from  the 


protect  the  citizens  of  the  United  States,  during  an  interregnum 
in  the  office  of  chief  executive  of  Hawaii.  They  were  not  to  be 
put  into  a  state  of  outlawry  and  peril  if  the  minister  had  been 
opposed  to  annexation,  nor  could  his  desire  on  that  subject  in  any 
way  affect  their  rights  or  his  duty.  He  gave  to  them  the  protec- 
tion they  had  the  right  to  demand,  and,  in  respect  <>f  his  action 
up  to  this  point,  so  far  as  it  related  to  Hawaii,  his  opinions  as 
to  annexation  have  not  affected  the  attitude  of  the  United  States 
Government,  and  the  committee  find,  no  cause  of  censure  either 
against  Minister  Stevens  or  Captain  Wiltse,  of  the  Burton. 

Afterward,  on  the  1st  day  of  February,  1893,  the  American 
minister  caused  the  flag  of  the  United  States  to  be  raised  on 
the  Government  building  in  Honolulu,  and  assumed  and  de- 
clared a  protectorate  over  that  nation  in  the  name  of  the  United 
States.  This  act  on  the  part  of  our  minister  was  without 
authority,  and  was  void  for  want  of  power.  It  was  disavowed 
by  Secretary  Foster  and  rebuked  by  Secretary  Gresham,  and 
the  order  to  abandon  the  protectorate  and  haul  down  the  flag 
was  in  accordance  with  the  duty  and  honor  of  the  United 
States.  To  haul  down  the  flag  of  the  United  States  was  only 
an  order  to  preserve  its  honor. 

The  diplomatic  officers  of  the  United  States  in  Hawaii  have 
the  right  to  much  larger  liberty  of  action  in  respect  to  the 
internal  affairs  of  that  country  than  would  be  the  case  with 
any  other  country  with  which  we  have  no  peculiar  or  special 
relations.  In  our  diplomatic  correspondence  with  Hawaii  and 


188 


in  the  various  treaties,  some  of  them  treaties  of  annexation, 
which  have  been  signed  and  discussed,  though  not  ratified, 
from  time  to  time, 'there  has  been  manifested  a  very  near 
relationship  between  the  two  governments.  The  history  of 
Hawaii  in  its  progress,  education,  development,  and  govern- 
ment, and  in  Christianity,  has  been  closely  identified  with  that 
of  the  United  States — so  closely,  indeed,  that  the  United  States 
has  not  at  any  time  hesitated  to  declare  that  it  would  permit 
no  intervention  in  the  affairs  of  Hawaii  by  any  foreign  govern- 
ment which  might  tend  to  disturb  the  relations  with  the  United 
States,  or  to  gain  any  advantage  there  over  the  Americans  who 
may  have  settled  in  that  country.  The  United  States  has 
assumed  and  deliberately  maintained  toward  Hawaii  a  relation 
which  is  entirely  exceptional,  and  has  no  parallel  in  our  deal- 
ings with  any  other  people. 

The  justification  for  this  attitude  is  not  a  matter  with  which 
this  inquiry  is  necessarily  connected,  but  its  existence  furnishes 
a  good  excuse,  if  excuse  is  needed,  for  a  very  lively  concern  on 
the  part  of  our  diplomatic  representatives  in  everything  that 
relates  to  the  progress  of  that  people. 

The  causes  that  have  led  to  this  peculiar  situation  are  alto- 
gether apparent.  They  are  in  every  sense  honorable,  just, 
and  benevolent.  One  nation  can  not  assume  such  an  attitude 
toward  another,  especially  if  the  latter  is,  by  contrast,  small 
weak  and  dependent  upon  the  good  will  or  forbearance  of  the 
world  to  its  existence,  without  giving  to  it  a  guaranty  of  exter- 
nal and  internal  security. 


The  attitude  of  the  United  States  toward  Hawaii,  thus  volun- 
tarily assumed,  gives  to  Hawaii  the  right  to  regard  it  as  such  a 
guaranty. 

In  the  absence  of  a  police  to  establish  a  colonial  system  and 
of  any  disposition  for  territorial  aggrandizement,  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  United  States  looked  with  approbation  and  gave 
encouragement  to  the  labors  and  influence  of  its  citizens  in 
Hawaii,  in  laying  the  groundwork  of  a  free  and  independent 
government  there,  which,  in  its  principles  and  in  the  distribu- 
tion of  powers,  should  be  like  our  own  and  ultimately  become 
republican  in  form.  This  has  been  the  unconcealed  wish  of  the 
people  of  the  United  states,  in  which  many  of  the  native  Haw- 
aiians  have  participated. 

Observing  the  spirit  of  the  Monroe  doctrine,  the  United 
States,  in  the  beginning  of  our  relations  with  Hawaii,  made  a 
firm  and  distinct  declaration  of  the  purpose  to  prevent  the  absorp- 
tion of  Hawaii  or  the  political  control  of  that  country  by  any  for- 
eign power.  Without  stating  the  reasons  for  this  policy,  which 
included  very  important  commercial  and  military  considera- 
tions, the  attitude  of  the  United  States  toward  Hawaii  was  in 
moral  effect  that  of  a  friendly  protectorate.  It  has  been  a  set- 
tled policy  of  the  United  States  that  if  it  should  turn  out  that 
Hawaii,  for  any  cause,  should  not  be  able  to  maintain  an  inde- 
pendent government,  that  country  would  be  encouraged  in  its 
tendency  to  gravitate  toward  political  union  with  thie  country. 

The  treaty  relations  between  Hawaii  and  the  United  States, 
as  fixed  by  several  conventions  that  have  been  ratified,  and  by 


189 


other  negotiations  have  been  characterized  by  a   sentiment  of      given  to  our  diplomatic  and  consular  officers  and  to  the  naval 


close  reciprocity.  In  additions  to  trade  relations  of  the  highest 
advantage  to  Hawaii,  the  United  States  has  so  far  interfered 
with  the  internal  policy  of  Hawaii  as  to  secure  an  agreement 
from  that  Government  restricting  the  disposal  of  bays  and  har- 
bors and  to  the  crown  lands  to  other  countries,  and  has  secured 
exclusive  privileges  in  Pearl  Harbor  of  great  importance  to  this 
Government. 

This  attitude  of  the  two  governments  and  the  peculiar  friend- 
ship of  the  two  peoples,  together  with  the  advantages  given  to 
Hawaii  in  commerce,  induced  a  large  and  very  enterprising 
class  of  people  from  the  United  States  to  migrate  to  these 
islands  and  to  invest  large  sums  of  money  in  the  cultivation  of 
sugar  and  rice,  and  in  other  trade  and  industry.  The  introduc- 
tion of  laborers  from  Japan  and  China  in  great  numbers  gave 
to  the  governing  power  in  Hawaii  a  new  and  very  significant 
importance,  and  made  it  necessary,  for  the  protection  of  the 
interest  of  the  white  or  European  peoples  and  the  natives,  that 
the  safeguards  of  the  organic  law  of  the  Kingdom  should  be 
carefully  preserved.  In  the  efforts  to  secure  these  guarantees 
of  safe  government,  no  distinction  of  race  was  made  as  to  the 
native  or  Kanaka  population,  but  the  Chinese  and  Japanese 
were  excluded  from  participation  in  the  government  as  voters, 
or  as  officeholders. 

Apprehensions  of  civil  disturbance  in  Hawaii  caused  the 
United  States  to  keep  ships  of  war  at  Honolulu  for  many  years 
past,  almost  without  intermission,  and  the  instructions  that  were 


commanders  on  that  station  went  beyond  the  customary  instruc- 
tions applicable  to  other  countries.  In  most  instances,  the 
instructions  so  given  included  the  preservation  of  order  and  of 
the  peace  of  the  country,  as  well  as  the  protection  and  preserva- 
tion of  the  property  and  of  the  lives  and  treaty  rights  of 
American  citizens. 

The  circumstances  above  mentioned,  which  the  evidence 
shows  to  have  existed,  created  a  new  light  under  which  we 
must  examine  into  the  conduct  of  our  diplomatic  and  naval 
officers  in  respect  of  the  revolution  that  occurred  in  Hawaii  in 
January,  1898.  In  no  sense,  and  at  no  time,  has  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  United  States  observed  toward  the  domestic  affairs 
of  Hawaii  the  strict  impartiality  and  the  indifference  enjoined 
by  the  general  law  of  non-interference,  in  the  absence  of  excep- 
tional conditions.  We  have  always  exerted  the  privilege  of 
interference  in  the  domestic  policy  of  Hawaii  to  a  degree  that 
would  not  be  justified  under  our  view  of  the  international  law, 
in  reference  to  the  affairs  of  Canada,  Cuba  or  Mexico. 

The  cause  of  this  departure  from  our  general  course  of  diplo- 
matic conduct  is  the  recognized  fact  that  Hawaii  has  been  all 
the  time  under  a  virtual  suzerainty  of  the  United  States, 
which  is,  by  an  apt  and  familiar  definition,  a  paramount 
authority,  not  in  any  actual  sense  and  actual  sovereignty,  but 
a  de  facto  supremacy  over  the  country.  This  sense  of  para- 
mount authority,  of  supremacy,  with  the  right  to  intervene  in 
the  affairs  of  Hawaii,  has  never  been  lost  sight  of  by  the  United 


190 


States  to  this  day,  and  it  is  conspicuously  manifest  in  the 
correspondence  of  Mr.  Willis  with  Mr.  Dole,  which  is  set  forth 
in  the  evidence  which  accompanies  this  report. 

Another  fact  of  importance  in  considering  the  conduct  of  our 
diplomatic  and  naval  officers  during  the  revolution  of  January, 
1893,  is  that  the  annexation  of  Hawaii  to  the  United  States  has 
been  the  subject  of  careful  study  and  almost  constant  contem- 
plation among  Hawaiians  and  their  kings  since  the  beginning 
of  the  reign  of  Kamehameha  I.  This  has  always  been  regarded 
by  the  ruling  power  in  Hawaii  as  a  coveted  and  secure  retreat — 
a  sort  of  house  of  refuge — whenever  the  exigencies  of  fate  might 
compel  Hawaii  to  make  her  choice  between  home  rule  and 
foreign  domination,  either  in  the  form  of  a  protectorate,  or  of 
submission  to  some  foreign  sovereign. 

Hawaii  has  always  desired  an  escape  to  a  freer  government, 
when  she  has  to  be  forced  to  the  point  where  the  surrender  of 
racial  pride  and  her  standing  as  a  nation  would  be  the  severe  , 
penalty  of  her  weakness.  Hawaiian  prefer  citizenship  in  a 
great  republic  to  the  slavery  of  subjection  to  any  foreign  mon- 
archy. Annexation  to  the  United  States  has  never  been  re- 
garded with  aversion,  or  with  a  sense  of  national  degradation, 
by  the  Hawaiian  people.  On  the  contrary,  it  has  been  adopted 
as  a  feature  of  political  action  by  those  who  have  attempted 
to  recommend  themselves  to  the  support  of  the  people  in  times 
of  danger. 

In  the  revolution  of  January,  1893,  those  who  assumed  the 
sovereign  power,  declaring  that  there  was  an  interregnum,  made 


it  a  conspicuous  part  of  their  avowed  purpose  to  remain  in 
authority  until  Hawaii  should  be  annexed  to  the  United  States. 
This  was  stated  as  an  argument  for  the  creation  of  a  Provi- 
sional Government,  without  which  there  would  be  less  advan- 
tage in  the  change  of  the  situation.  Annexation  was  an  avowed 
purpose  of  the  Provisional  Government,  because  it  would  popu- 
larize the  movement.  No  one  could  project  a  revolution  in 
Hawaii  for  the  overthrow  of  the  monarchy,  that  would  not  raise 
the  question  among  the  people  of  annexation  to  the  United 
States. 

In  the  diplomatic  correspondence  of  the  United  States  with 
our  ministers  to  Hawaii,  frequent  and  favorable  allusion  is 
made  to  this  subject  as  a  matter  of  friendly  consideration  for 
the  advantage  of  that  country  and  people,  and  not  as  a  result 
that  would  enhance  the  wealth  or  power  of  the  United  States. 
This  treatment  of  the  subject  began  very  early  in  the  history  of 
Hawaiian  civilization,  and  it  was  taken  up  and  discussed  by 
the  people  of  the  islands  as  a  topic  of  patriotic  inspiration.  It 
was  their  habit  to  celebrate  the  anniversary  of  the  independ- 
ence of  the  United  States  as  a  national  fete  day.  So  that,  there 
was  no  thought  of  conspiracy  against  the  monarchy  in  openly 
favoring  the  project  of  annexation.  Whether  annexation  is 
wise  and  beneficial  to  both  countries  is  a  question  that  must 
receive  the  consideration  of  both  governments  before  it  can  be 
safely  settled. 

The  testimony  taken  by  the  committee  discloses  the  well- 
considered  opinion  of  several  of  our  most  eminent  naval  and 


191 


military  officers,  that  the  annexation  of  Hawaii  is  a  fact  indis- 
pensable to  the  proper  defense  and  protection  of  our  western 
coast  and  cities  But  this  is  a  matter  with  which  the  committee 
is  not  especially  charged,  and  reference  is  made  to  these 
opinions  as  supporting  the  statement  that  all  intelligent  men 
in  Hawaii  and  in  the  United  States  who  have  taken  pains  to 
consider  the  subject,  are  convinced  that  the  question  is  one 
deserving  of  thorough  investigation  and  a  correct  and  friendly 
decision.  The  question  of  annexation,  however,  is  distinctly 
presented  in  the  proclamation  of  the  Provisional  Government 
as  one  to  be  settled  by  the  action  of  the  Government  of  the 
United  States. 

Commissioners  to  treat  with  the  United  Sates  for  the  annex- 
ation of  Hawaii  were  sent-  to  Washington  immediately  upon 
the  adoption  and  promulgation  of  the  Provisional  Government, 
and  they  negotiated  and  signed  a  treaty  in  conjunction  with 
Mr.  Secretary  Foster,  which  was  submitted  to  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States  and  was  subsequently  withdrawn  by  the  present 
administration.  Accompanying  that  treaty  was  a  paper  signed 
by  Liliuokalani,  in  which  she  stated  no  objection  to  the  project 
of  annexation  to  the  United  States,  but  in  which  she  protested 
earnestly  against  her  dethronement,  and  alleged  that  the  United 
States,  through  the  abuse  by  its  diplomatic  and  naval  officers 
of  the  powers  entrusted  to  them,  had  virtually  compelled 
her  abdication.  The  President  of  the  United  States,  after  a 
further  examination  of  the  subject,  concluded  that  it  was  his 
duty  to  withdraw  this  annexation  treaty  from  the  Senate  for 


further  consideration,  and  so  notified  the  Provisional  Govern- 
ment through  Mr.  Willis,  our  present  minister. 

The  recognition  of  the  Provisional  Government  was  lawful 
and  authoritative,  and  has  continued  without  interruption  or 
modification  up  to  the  present  time.  It  may  be  justly  claimed 
for  this  act  of  recognition  that  it  has  contributed  greatly  to  the 
maintenance  of  peace  and  order  in  Hawaii,  and  to  the  promo- 
tion of  the  establishment  of  free,  permanent,  constitutional 
government  in  Hawaii,  based  upon  the  consent  of  the  people. 

The  complaint  by  Liliuokalani  in  the  protest  that  she  sent  to 
the  President  of  the  United  States  and  dated  the  18th  day  of 
January,  is  not  in  the  opinion  of  the  committee,  well  founded 
in  fact  or  in  justice.  It  appears  from  the  evidence  submitted 
with  this  report  that  she  was  in  fact  the  author  and  promoter 
of  a  revolution  in  Hawaii  which  involved  the  destruction  of  the 
entire  constitution,  and  a  breach  of  her  solemn  oath  to  observe 
and  support  it,  and  it  was  only  after  she  had  ascertained  that 
she  had  made  a  demand  upon  her  native  subjects  for  support 
in  this  movement  which  they  would  not  give  to  her,  that  she, 
for  the  time,  postponed  her  determination  to  do  so  as  soon  as 
she  could  feel  that  she  had  the  power  to  sustain  the  movement. 

But  the  President  of  the  United  States,  giving  attention  to 
Liliuokalani's  claim  that  this  Government  had  alarmed  her  by 
the  presence  of  its  troops  into  the  abdication  of  her  crown, 
believed  that  it  was  proper  and  necessary  in  vindication  of  the 
honor  of  the  United  States  to  appoint  a  commissioner  to  Hawaii 
who  would  make  a  careful  investigation  into  the  facts  and  send 


192 


the  facts  and  his  conclusions  to  the  President,  for  his  informa- 
tion. The  commissioner,  Mr.  Blount,  went  to  Hawaii  under 
circumstances  of  extreme  embarrassment  and  executed  his  in- 
structions with  impartial  care  to  arrive  at  the  truth,  and  he 
presented  a  sincere  and  instructive  report  to  the  President  of 
the  United  States,  touching  the  facts,  the  knowledge  of  which 
he  thus  acquired.  In  the  agitated  state  of  opinion  and  feeling 
in  Hawaii  at  that  time  it  was  next  to  impossible  to  obtain  a 
full,  fair,  and  free  declaration  in  respect  of  the  facts  which 
attended  this  revolution,  and  particularly  was  this  difficult  to 
obtain  from  the  persons  who  actively  partiripated  in  that  move- 
ment. 

The  evidence  submitted  by  the  committee,  in  addition  to  that 
which  was  presented  by  Mr.  Blount,  having  been  taken  under 
circumstances  more  favorable  to  the  development  of  the  whole 
truth  with  regard  to  the  situation,  has,  in  the  opinion  of  the 
committee,  established  the  fact  that  the  revolutionary  movement 
in  Hawaii  originated  with  Liliuokalani,  and  was  promoted, 
provided  for,  and,  as  she  believed,  secured  by  the  passage  of  the 
opium  bill  and  the  lottery  bill  through  the  Legislature,  from 
which  she  expected  to  derive  a  revenue  sufficient  to  secure  the 
ultimate  success  of  her  purpose,  which  was  distinctly  and 
maturely  devised  to  abolish  the  constitution  of  1887,  and  to 
assume  to  herself  absolute  power,  free  from  constitutional  re- 
straint of  any  serious  character. 

The  fact  cannot  be  ignored  that  this  revolutionary  movement 
of  Liliuokalani,  which  had  its  development  in  the  selection  of  a 


new  cabinet  to  supplant  one  which  had  the  support  of  all  the 
conservative  elements  in  the  islands,  was  set  on  foot  and  accom- 
plished during  the  absence  of  the  American  minister  on  board 
the  ship  Boston  during  the  ten  days  which  preceded  the  proro- 
gation of  the  Legislature.  The  astonishment  with  which  this 
movement  was  received  by  the  American  emigrants  and  other 
white  people  residing  in  Hawaii,  and  its  inauguration  in  the 
absence  of  the  Boston  and  the  American  minister,  show  that 
those  people,  with  great  anxiety,  recognized  the  fact  that  it  was 
directed  against  them  and  their  interests  and  welfare,  and  that 
when  it  was  completed  they  would  become  its  victims.  These 
convictions  excited  the  serious  apprehensions  of  all  the  white 
people  in  those  islands  that  a  crisis  was  brought  about  in  which 
not  only  their  rights  in  Hawaii,  and  under  the  constitution, 
were  to  be  injuriously  affected,  but  that  the  ultimate  result 
would  be  that  they  would  be  driven  from  the  islands  or, 
remaining  there,  would  be  put  at  the  mercy  of  those  who  chose 
to  prey  upon  their  property.  This  class  of  people,  who  are 
intended  to  be  ostracised  supply  nine-tenths  of  the  entire  tax 
receipts  of  the  kingdom ;  and  they  were  conscious  that  the  pur- 
pose was  to  inflict  taxation  upon  them  without  representation, 
or  else  to  confiscate  their  estates  and  drive  them  out  of  the 
country.  This  produced  alarm  and  agitation,  which  resulted 
in  the  counter  movement  set  on  foot  by  the  people  to  meet  and 
overcome  the  revolution  which  Liliuokalani  had  projected  and 
had  endeavored  to  accomplish.  Her  ministers  were  conscious 
of  the  fact  that  any  serious  resistance  to  her  revolutionary 


193 


movement  (of  which  they  had  full  knowledge  before  they 
were  inducted  into  office)  would  disappoint  the  expectations  of 
the  Queen  and  would  result  in  the  overthrow  of  the  executive 
government;  and.  while  they  had  evidently  promised  the  Queen 
that  they  would  support  her  in  her  effort  to  abolish  the  con- 
stitution of  1887  and  substitute  one  which  they  had  secretly 
assisted  in  preparing,  when  the  moment  of  the  trial  came  they 
abandoned  her — they  broke  faith  with  her.  The  Queen's  min- 
isters took  fright  and  gave  information  to  the  people  of  the 
existence  of  the  movements  and  concealed  purposes  of  the 
Queen  and  of  her  demands  upon  them  to  join  her  in  the  pro- 
imilgation  of  the  constitution,  and  they  appealed  to  the  com- 
mittee of  safety  for  protection,  and  continued  in  that  attitude 
until  they  saw  that  the  kindled  wrath  of  the  people  would  not 
take  the  direction  of  violence  and  bloodshed  without  the  provo- 
cation of  a  serious  necessity.  Being  satisfied  that  they  could 
trust  to  the  forbearance  of  the  people,  who  were  looking  to  the 
protection  of  their  interests  and  had  no  desire  for  strife  and 
bloodshed  they  began  to  finesse  in  a  political  way  to  effect  a 
compromise  between  the  people  and  the  Queen,  and  they  in- 
duced her  to  make  the  proclamation  of  her  intentions  to  post- 
pone the  completion  of  her  revolutionary  purposes,  which  was 
circulated  in  Honolulu  on  Monday  morning.  These  men, 
whose  conduct  cannot  be  characterized  as  anything  less  than 
perfidious,  hastened  to  give  to  the  President  of  the  United 
States  false  and  misleading  statements  of  the  facts  leading  up 
to,  attending,  and  succeeding  this  revolution.  To  do  this  they 


made  deceptive  and  misleading  statements  to  Mr.  Blount.  Up- 
on them  must  rest  the  odium  of  having  encouraged  the  Queen 
in  her  revolutionary  intentions  ;  of  having  then  abandoned  her 
in  a  moment  of  apparent  danger  ;  of  having  thrown  themselves 
upon  the  mercy  of  the  people,  and  then  of  making  an  attempt, 
through  falsehood  and  misrepresentation,  to  regain  power  in 
the  Government  of  Hawaii,  which  the  people  would  naturally, 
forever  deny  to  them. 

A  question  has  been  made  as  to  the  right  of  the  President  of 
the  United  States  to  despatch  Mr.  Blount  to  Hawaii  as  his 
personal  representative  for  the  purpose  of  seeking  the  further 
information  which  the  President  believed  was  necessary  in 
order  to  arrive  at  a  just  conclusion  regarding  the  state  of  affairs 
in  Hawaii.  Many  precedents  could  be  quoted  to  show  that 
such  power  has  been  exercised  by  the  President  on  various 
occasions  without  dissent  on  the  part  of  Congress  or  the  people 
of  the  United  States.  The  employment  of  such  agencies  is  a 
necessary  part  of  the,  proper  exercise  of  the  diplomatic  power 
which  is  intrusted  by  the  constitution  with  the  President. 
Without  such  authority  our  foreign  relations  would  be  so  em- 
barrassed with  difficulties  that  it  would  be  impossible  to  con- 
duct them  with  safety  or  success.  These  precedents  also  show 
that  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  though  in  session,  need 
not  be  consulted  as  to  the  appointment  of  such  agents,  or  as  to 
the  instructions  which  the  President  may  give  them. 

An  authority  was  instrusted  to  Mr.  Blount  to  remove  the 
American  flag  from  the  Government  building  in  Hawaii,  and 


194 


IMPORTERsDEALER 

IN 


to  disclaim  openly  and  practically  the  protectorate  which  had 
been  announced  in  that  country  by  Minister  Stevens,  and  also 
to  remove  the  troops  from  Honolulu  to  the  steamer  Boston. 
This  particular  delegation  of  authority  to  Mr.  Blount  was  para- 
mount over  the  authority  of  Mr.  Stevens,  who  was  continued 
as  minister  resident  of  the  United  States  at  Honolulu,  and  it 
raised  the  question  whether  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  can  have  at  the  same  foreign  capital  two  ministers,  each 
of  whom  shall  exercise  separate  and  special  powers. 

There  seems  to  be  no  reason  why  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  cannot,  in  conducting  its  diplomatic  intercourse 
with  other  countries,  exercise  powers  as  broad  and  general,  or 
as  limited  and  peculiar,  or  special,  as  any  other  government. 
Other  governments  have  been  for  many  years,  and  even  cen- 
turies, in  the  habit  of  intrusting  special  and  particular  missions 
to  one  man  representing  them  at  a  foreign  court,  and  to  several 
men  in  combination  when  that  was  found  to  be  desirable.  In 
fact,  there  has  been  no  limit  placed  upon  the  use  of  a  power  of 
this  kind,  except  the  discretion  of  the  sovereign  or  ruler  of 
the  country.  The  committee  fail  to  see  that  there  is  any 
irregularity  in  such  a  course  as  that,  or  that  the  power  given  to 
Mr.  Blount  to  withdraw  the  troops  from  Honolulu  or  to  lower 
the  flag  of  the  United  States  was  to  any  extent  either  dangerous 
or  interrupting  to  any  other  lawful  authority  existing  there  in 
any  diplomatic  or  naval  officer.  There  may  be  a  question  as 
to  the  particular  wording  of  the  order  which  Mr.  Blount  gave  to 
Admiral  Skerrett  for  the  lowering  of  the  flag  and  the  with- 


drawal of  the  troops,  but  that  is  hypercriticism,  because  the 
substantial  fact  was  that  Mr.  Blount  'executed  the  command 
of  the  President  in  communicating  to  Admiral  Skerrett  such 
order,  as  the  order  of  the  President  of  the  United  States.  Mr. 
Blount's  authority  had  been  made  known  to  Admiral  Skerrett; 
his  instructions  had  been  exhibited  to  Admiral  Skerrett ;  and 
they  both  understood  that  what  Mr.  Blount  was  then  doing  had 
received  the  sanction  of  the  President  of  the  United  States 
before  Mr.  Blount  had  entered  upon  the  discharge  of  his  minis- 
terial functions,  and  that  his  act  would  receive  the  unqualified 
approval  of  the  President  of  the  United  States.  That  being  so, 
the  mere  form  in  which  the  order  was  addressed  to  Admiral 
Skerrett  seems  to  be  a  matter  of  no  serious  consequence. 

The  control  given  to  Mr.  Trist  over  the  military  operations 
in  Mexico,  when  war  was  flagrant,  was  far  greater  than  that 
which  was  confided  to  Mr.  Blount.  The  secret  orders  given  to 
the  commanders  of  the  Army  and  of  the  Navy  on  that  occasion 
are  set  out  in  the  appendix  to  this  report. 

When  Mr.  Willis  arrived  in  Honolulu  he  was  received  by  the 
Provisional  Government,  to  which  he  was  accredited,  and  an 
interchange  of  the  usual  courtesies  was  had  between  them.  He 
carried  instructions,  as  Minister  of  the  United  States,  which 
did  not  concern  the  Government  of  Hawaii  until  they  had  been 
attended  with  a  certain  result  which  he  endeavoured  to  bring 
about.  That  result  was  that  Liliuokalani  should  agree  that, 
in  the  event  of  her  restoration  to  the  throne,  not  by  the  action 
of  the  President  of  the  United  States,  but  in  any  other  event, 


195 


or  by  any  agreement,  she  would  bind  herself  to  grant  full  and 
free  amnesty  to  all  persons  who  had  been  engaged  in  opposition 
to  her  alleged  authority.  When  that  agreement  had  been 
obtained,  Mr.  Willis  was  instructed  to  submit  it  to  the  Provi- 
sional Government  and  ascertain  whether  they  would  agree  to 
restore  the  Queen  to  the  throne  under  those  circumstances  and 
upon  tho^e  conditions.  If  this  was  intervention,  it  was  in  the 
interest  of  Americans  in  Hawaii.  It  was  an  exaction  upon 
Liliuokalani  which  would  forbid,  under  the  penalty  of  war, 
that  should  she  acquire  the  throne  by  whatever  means,  that  she 
should  openly  disavow  any  purpose  to  inflict  any  pains  and 
penalties  upon  those  who  had  supported  the  Provisional  Gov- 
ernment. Liliuokalani,  after  several  efforts  on  the  part  of  Mr. 
Willis  to  obtain  her  consent  to  this  proposition,  finally  signed 
it  without  the  assent  of  her  ministers,  and  it  was  attested  by 
Mr.  Carter,  who  was  a  personal  and  political  friend.  Her  de- 
claration or  agreement  thus  signed  and  delivered  to  Mr.  Willis 
was  by  him  presented  to  the  President  of  the  Provisional  Gov- 
ernment (who  was  also  minister  of  foreign  affairs),  and  the 
question  whether  or  not  it  would  be  accepted  by  the  Govern- 
ment of  Hawaii  was  submitted  to  him.  Whereupon  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  Provisional  Government  declined  to  accept  the 
proposition  ;  declined  to  yield  the  power  which  had  been  vested 
in  him  as  the  chief  executive  of  Hawaii  ;  and  nothing  more  was 
done  either  to  induce  him,  or  to  compel  him,  to  consent  to,  or 
to  assist  in,  the  restoration  of  Liliuoknlani  to  the  throne  or  to 
the  restoration  of  the  Monarchy. 


If,  in  this  course  of  proceedings,  the  President  of  the  United 
States  had  intended  to  compel  obedience  to  what  is  termed  his 
"decision"  in  the  matter  by  using  the  force  of  the  United 
States  to  assist' the  Queen  in  being  enthroned,  that  would  have 
been  an  act  of  war,  entirely  beyond  his  power,  and  would  not 
have  received  the  sanction  of  any  considerable  part  of  the 
American  people,  and  would  have  no  warrant  in  international 
law.  But  such  was  not  the  intention  of  ths  President,  as  is 
shown  by  contemporaneous  acts,  by  his  declarations,  and  by 
his  subsequent  treatment  of  the  subject.  Therefore,  the  ques- 
tion between  the  United  States  and  Hawaii  touching  the  pro- 
priety of  an  intervention  in  the  domestic  affairs  of  Hawaii  to 
the  extent  of  gaining  the  final  decision  and  agreement  of  both 
parties  upon  these  propositions  is  one  that  is  strictly  within 
the  accepted  right  or  authority  of  a  sovereign  to  tender  his 
good  offices  to  reconcile  the  conflicts  of  two  or  more  factions,  or 
parties,  that  may  be  opposed  to  each  other  within  any  country. 
The  tender  of  good  offices  has  often  been  voluntarily  made  in 
the  interest  of  humanity,  of  peace,  of  law,  of  order,  or  at  the 
suggestion  of  one  or  two  belligerent  powers  actually  engaged  in 
war.  Sometimes  it  has  been  made  at  the  suggestion  of  that 
party  in  a  government,  engaged  in  actual  hostilities  which  had 
the  evident  power  to  crush  its  opponent  by  prosecuting  the  war 
to  extremities.  In  such  cases  the  intervention  has  often  been 
accepted  as  a  merciful  interposition,  and  it  has  been  considered 
an  honor  by  other  governments  that  they  should  be  requested, 
under  such  circumstances,  to  exercise  their  good  offices  in  favor 


196 


of  procuring  peace  through  a  submission  to  inevitable  results. 
When  the  tender  of  good  offices  is  made  at  the  request  of  both 
of  the  contending  parties  it  is  difficult  to  conceive  how  any 
sovereign  of  a  foreign  country  could  refuse  to  act  in  such 
matter. 

In  the  public  act  by  which  the  Provisional  Government  of 
Hawaii  was  established  there  was  a  distinct  declaration  that 
the  Government  was  to  continue  until  Hawaii  was  annexed  to 
the  United  States.  That  declaration,  apart  from  every  other 
consideration,  would  have  justified  the  United  States  in  an 
interference  for  the  protection  of  the  Provisional  Government 
which  would  not  have  been  tolerated  under  other  circum- 
stances. That  declaration  created  an  intimacy  of  relationship 
between  the  United  States  and  the  recognized  Government  of 
Hawaii  which  is  entirely  exceptional,  and  which  placed  within 
the  reach  and  control  of  the  United  States  very  largely,  if  not 
entirely,  the  disposal  of  those  questions  collateral  to  that  of 
annexation  which  might  have  interfered  with  the  peaceful  and 
appropriate  solution  of  any  difficulty  which  might  arise  in  its 
execution.  So  that  the  Provisional  Government  of  Hawaii, 
having  thus  thrown  itself  into  the  arhis  of  the  United  States  in 
the  first  declaration  of  its  existence,  can  not  justly  complain 
that  the  United  States  should  scrutinize,  under  the  authority 
thus  given,  all  its  pretensions  of  right  thus  to  dispose  of  an 
entire  country  and  people.  And  Liliuokalani,  having  reference 
to  the  same  project  of  annexation,  of  which  she  was  fully 
cognizant,  made  complaint  that  the  United  States  had  assisted 


in  driving  her  from  her  throne  by  bringing  its  troops  on  shore 
in  military  array  at  a  time  when  there  was  no  necessity  for  it, 
distinctly  announced  at  the  moment  of  her  final  and  avowed 
abdication  that  she  would  abdicate  provisionally  and  would 
await  the  decision  of  the  United  States  as  to  whether  that 
abdication  and  the  destruction  of  the  kingdom  and  the  annexa- 
tion of  Hawaii  to  the  United  States  should  become  completed 
facts.  Under  such  circumstances  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  believing  that  the  information  then  in  possession  of  the 
Government  was  not  sufficient  to  justify  summary  annexation, 
could  not  have  done  justice  to  himself,  to  his  country,  to  the 
people  of  Hawaii,  to  the  Provisional  Government,  or  to  Liliu- 
okalani, without  having  made  an  effort  to  use  his  good  offices 
for  the  purpose  of  ascertaining  whether  it  was  practicable  that 
the  Queen  should  be  restored  to  her  authority,  leaving  the 
question  to  be  determined  by  the  people  interested  in  Hawaii 
whether  such  restoration  would  be  acceptable  to  them  or  not. 
If  Liliuokalani  had  been  restored  to  her  throne  by  the  consent 
of  the  membership  of  the  Provisional  Government,  upon  the 
terms  and  conditions  of  the  proposition  which  she  signed  and 
delivered  to  Mr.  Willis,  the  President  of  the  United  States 
would  not  have  been  in  any  sense  responsible  for  her  restora- 
tion, would  not  have  espoused  the  monarchy,  nor  would  he 
have  done  anything  that  was  contradictory  of  American  senti- 
ment, opinion,  or  policy.  He  would  only  have  been  the  mutual 
friend,  accepted,  really,  by  both  parties,  whose  intervention 
would  have  secured,  with  their  consent,  the  final  solution  of 


197 


that  question.  In  the  absence  of  such  committal  on  his  part  to 
the  claims  of  Liliuokalani  or  resistance  on  his  part  to  the 
recognized  rights  of  the  Provisional  Government,  there  is  no 
reason  for  withholding  approval  of  the  conduct  of  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States  in  thus  accepting  and  executing  a 
function  which  he  was  entitled  to  perform,  in  submitting  the 
question,  in  due  and  final  form,  to  the  contending  parties  or 
factions  in  Hawaii,  whether  they  preferred  to  maintain  the 
authority  of  the  Provisional  Government,  with  whatever  results 
may  follow  from  that,  or  a  return  to  the  monarchy  under 
Liliuokalani. 

Therefore  your  committee  conclude  to  report  that  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States  has  not,  in  this  particular,  in  any 
wise  been  a  party  to  any  irregularity  or  any  impropriety  of 
conduct  in  his  high  office. 

The  committee  find  nothing  worthy  of  criticism  in  the  nego- 
tiation of  the  treaty  of  annexation  with  the  Provisional  Gov- 
ernment of  Hawaii. 

The  revolution  in  Hawaii  had  the  effect  of  displacing  one 
chief  of  the  executive  department  and  substituting  another. 
Except  the  Queen  and  her  cabinet,  no  officer  of  the  Govern- 
ment was  removed.  The  legislative  body,  including  the  house 
of  nobles  and  house  of  representatives  and  their  presiding 
officers,  remained  in  commission.  The  supreme  court  and  all 
other  judicial  magistracies  and  the  officers  of  the  courts  were 
left  undisturbed,  and,  when  the  interregnum  ended,  they  pur- 
sued their  duties  without  change  of  interruption;  commerce 


with  foreign  countries  and  between  the  islands  was  not  in  any  way 
prevented,  and  the  commercial  and  banking  houses  were  open  for 
business,  which  resumed  activity  when  the  executive  head  of 
the  Government  was  again  in  the  exercise  of  lawful  authority. 

The  Government  had  not  been  displaced  and  another  substi- 
tuted, but  only  a  department  which  was  left  vacant  had  been 
rehabilitated. 

When  this  was  done  and  the  fact  was  recognized,  the  Gov- 
ernment of  Hawaii  was  as  competent  to  treat  of  annexation  to 
the  United  States  as  it  had  ever  been,  or  as  it  will  ever  be, 
until  the  United  States  shall  decide  that  it  will  annex  no  more 
territory  unless  with  the  consent  of  the  people  to  be  annexed, 
to  be  ascertained  by  a  plebiscite. 

Complaint  is  made  also  that  this  project  of  annexation  was 
attempted  to  be  consumated  in  too  great  haste. 

That  raises  a  question  of  due  consideration;  for,  if  the  people 
of  both  countries  desired  it,  or  if,  according  to  every  precedent 
to  be  found  in  the  various  annexations  of  countries  and  States 
to  the  United  States,  the  respective  governments  desired  it, 
speedy  action  in  completing  the  cession  was  desirable  for  many 
obvious  reasons,  among  which  the  injurious  disturbance  of 
commerce  and  danger  to  the  public  peace  growing  out  of  a  pro- 
tracted agitation  of  so  grave  a  matter,  are  conspicuous. 

But  this  is  a  question  of  long  standing,  which  has  been 
under  favorable  consideration  by  the  kings  and  people  of 
Hawaii  and  the  Government  and  people  of  the  United  States 
for  more  than  fifty  years. 


198 


It  is  well  understood,  and  its  importance  increases  with 
every  new  event  of  any  consequence  in  Hawaii,  and  with  the 
falling-in  of  every  island  in  the  Pacific  Ocean  that  is  captured 
by  the  great  maritime  powers  of  Europe.  The  committee  have 
copied,  in  the  Appendix  to  this  report,  portions  of  the  remarks 
of  Hon.  William  F.  Draper  in  the  House  of  Representatives  on 
the  4th  of  February,  1894,  which  refer  in  a  very  clear  and  con- 
cise way  to  the  progress  of  foreign  intervention  in  the  Pacific 
Ocean  by  European  powers. 

A  President  informed  as  to  the  history  of  his  country  could 
find  no  dificulty  in  dealing  with  the  question  of  the  annexa- 
tion of  Hawaii  to  the  United  States  on  the  ground  that  it  is 
new;  and  a  minister  to  Hawaii  who  should  fail  to  inform  his 
Government  of  the  political  changes  in  Hawaii  that  would 
affect  that  question  would  neglect  his  duty. 

It  is  not  a  just  criticism  upon  the  correspondence  of  Minister 
Stevens  with  his  Government  that  he  earnestly  advocated 
annexation.  In  this  he  was  in  line  with  Mr.  Marcy  and  nearly 
every  one  of  his  successors  as  Secretary  of  State,  and  with 
many  of  Mr.  Stevens'  predecessors  as  minister  to  Hawaii.  His 
letters  to  his  Government  were  written  under  the  diplomatic 
confidence  that  is  requisite  to  secure  freedom  in  such  communi- 
cations, and  were  not  expected  to  come  under  the  scrutiny  of 
all  mankind.  They  show  no  improper  spirit  and  are  not  im- 
peachable  as  coloring  or  perverting  the  truth,  although  some 
matters  stated  by  him  may  be  classed  as  severe  reflections. 
Whatever  motives  may  have  actuated  or  controlled  any  repre- 


sentative of  the  Government  of  the  United  States  in  his  con- 
duct of  our  affairs  in  Hawaii,  if  he  acted  within  the  limits  of 
his  powers,  with  honest  intentions,  and  has  not  placed  the 
Government  of  the  United  States  upon  false  and  untenable 
grounds,  his  conduct  is  not  irregular. 

But,  in  his  dealings  with  the  Hawaiian  Government,  his 
conduct  was  characterised  by  becoming  dignity  and  reserve, 
and  was  not  in  any  way  harsh  or  offensive.  In  the  opinion  of 
the  committee,  based  upon  the  evidence  which  accompanies 
this  report  the  only  substantial  irregularity  that  existed  in  the 
conduct  of  any  officer  of  the  United  States,  or  agent  of  the 
President,  during  or  since  the  time  of  the  revolution  of  1893, 
was  that  of  Minister  Stevens  in  declaring  a  protectorate  of  the 
United  States  over  Hawaii,  and  in  placing  the  flag  of  our  coun- 
try upon  the  Government  building  in  Honolulu.  No  actual 
harm  resulted  from  this  unauthorized  act,  but  as  a  precedent 
it  is  not  to  be  considered  as  being  justified.  The  committee 
have  not  considered  it  necessary  to  present  any  resolutions 
stating  the  conclusions  that  are  indicated  in  this  report,  and 
ask  that  they  be  discharged  from  the  further  consideration  of 
the  resolutions  under  which  this  report  is  made. 


We  are  in  entire  accord  with  the  essential  findings  in  the 
exceedingly  able  report  submitted  by  the  chairman  of  the 
Committee  on  Foreign  Relations.  But  it  is  our  opinion — 

First.     That  the  appointment   on  the    llth  day  of    March, 


199 


1893,  without  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate,  of  Hon. 
James  H.  Blount  as  "special  commissioner"  to  the  Hawaiian 
Government  under  letters  of  credence  and  those  of  instruction, 
which  declared  that  "  in  all  matters  affecting  relations  with  the 
Government  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands  his  authority  is  para- 
mount" was  an  unconstitutional  act,  in  that  such  appointee, 
Mr.  Blount,  was  never  nominated  to  the  Senate,  but  was 
appointed  without  its  advice  and  consent,  although  that  body 
was  in  session  when  such  appointment  was  made,  and  con- 
tinued to  be  in  session  for  a  long  time  immediately  thereafter. 

Second.  The  orders  of  the  Executive  Department  by  which 
the  naval  force  of  the  United  States  in  the  harbor  of  Honolulu 
was  in  effect  placed  under  the  command  of  Mr.  Blount  or  of 
Mr.  Willis  were  without  authority  or  warrant  of  law. 

Third.  The  order  given  by  Mr.  Blount  to  Admiral  Skerrett 
to  lower  the  United  States  ensign  from  the  Government  build- 
ing in  Honolulu  and  to  embark  the  troops  on  the  ships  to 
which  they  belonged,  was  an  order  which  Mr.  Blount  had  no 
lawful  authority  to  give.  Its  object  was  not  to  terminate  a 
protectorate.  That  relation  had  been  disavowed  by  the  admin- 
istration of  President  Harrison  immediately  upon  receiving 
information  of  its  establishment.  The  flag  and  troops,  when 
such  order  was  given  by  Mr.  Blount,  were  in  the  positions  from 
which  he  ordered  them  to  be  removed  for  the  purpose  of  main- 
taining order  and  protecting  American  life  and  property. 
Their  presence  had  been  effectual  to  those  ends,  and  their 
removal  tended  to  create,  and  did  create,  public  excitement 


and,  to  a  degree,  distrust  of  the  power  of  the  Provisional  Gov- 
ernment to  preserve  order  or  to  maintain  itself.  That  order  of 
Mr.  Blount  was  susceptible  of  being  construed  as  indicating  an 
unfriendly  disposition  on  the  part  of  the  United  States  toward 
the  Provisional  Government,  and  it  was  so  construed,  particu- 
larly by  the  people  of  Hawaii. 

In  the  light  of  subsequent  relations  between  Mr.  Blount  and 
his  successor,  Mr.  Willis,  with  the  Queen,  whose  office  had 
become  vacant  by  her  deposition  and  abdication  under  the 
attack  of  a  successful  revolution,  this  order  and  its  execution 
were  most  unfortunate  and  untoward  in  their  effect.  Such 
relations  and  intercourse  by  Messrs.  Blount  and  Willis  with 
the  head  and  with  the  executive  officers  of  an  overthrown  gov- 
ernment, conducted  for  the  purpose  of  restoring  that  govern- 
ment by  displacing  its  successor,  were  in  violation  of  the  con- 
stitution and  of  the  principles  of  international  law  and  were 
not  warranted  by  the  circumstances  of  the  case. 

Fourth.  The  question  of  the  rightfulness  of  the  revolution, 
of  the  lawfulness  of  the  mea.is  by  which  the  deposition  and 
abdication  of  the  Queen  were  effected,  and  the  right  of  the 
Provisional  Government  to  exist  and  to  continue  to  exist  was 
conclusively  settled,  as  the  report  so  forcibly  states,  against 
the  Queen  and  in  favor  of  the  Provisional  Government,  by  the 
act  of  the  administration  of  President  Harrison  recognizing 
such  Provisional  Government,  by  the  negotiation  by  that 
administration  with  such  Provisional  Government  of  a  treaty 
of  annexation  to  the  United  States ;  by  accrediting  diplomatic 


200 


representation  by  such  administration,  and  by  the  present 
administration  to  such  Provisional  Government ;  therefore,  it 
incontrovertibly  follows  that  the  President  of  the  United  States 
had  no  authority  to  attempt  to  reopen  such  determined  ques- 
tions, and  to  endeavor  by  any  means  whatever  to  overthrow 
the  Provisional  Government  or  to  restore  the  monarchy  which 
it  had  displaced. 

While  it  is  true  that  a  friendly  power  may  rightfully  tender 
its  good  offices  of  mediation  or  advice  in  cases  such  as  that 
under  present  consideration,  it  is  also  true  that  the  performance 
of  such  offices  of  mediation  or  advice  ought  not  to  be  entered 
upon  without  the  consent  previously  given  by  both  the  parties 
whom  the  action  or  decision  of  the  friendly  power  may  affect. 
Such  consent  was  not  given  in  the  present  instance.  The  Pro- 
visional Government  never  so  consented  ;  it  was  never  request- 
ed to  consent.  It  denied  the  jurisdiction  of  the  present  admin- 
istration on  every  proper  occasion.  Therefore  the  proceedings 
by  the  President,  which  had  for  their  result  his  request  and 
monition  to  the  Provisional  Government  to  surrender  its  powers, 
to  give  up  its  existence  and  to  submit  to  be  displaced  by  the 


monarchy  which  it  had  overthrown,  had  no  warrant  in  law,  nor 
in  any  consent  of  one  of  the  parties  to  be  affected  by  such  pro- 
ceedings. 

Fifth.  The  avowed  opinion  of  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  in  substance,  that  it  is  the  duty  of  this  Government  to 
make  reparation  to  the  Queen  by  endeavoring  to  reinstate  her 
upon  her  throne  by  all  constitutional  methods,  is  a  clear  defi- 
nition of  the  policy  of  the  present  administration  to  that  end. 
The  instructions  to  Messrs.  Blount  and  Willis  must  be  con- 
strued to  be  other  and  more  ample  forms  of  expression  of  that 
policy.  No  other  presumption  is  permissible  than  that  their 
actions  at  Honolulu  were  with  intent  to  carry  out  that  avowed 
policy.  These  considerations  make  immaterial  any  discussion, 
in  this  connection,  of  the  personal  intentions,  circumspection  or 
good  faith  of  these  gentlemen  in  the  performance  of  the  task  to 
which  they  had  been  plainly  commanded  by  the  present 
administration.  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

WM.  P.  FRYE. 

J.  N.  DOLPH. 

CUSHMAN  K.  DAVIS. 


201 


HISTORICAL  SKETCH  OF  THE  ATTEMPT  TO  OVERTHROW  THE  REPUBLIC 


BY    THE 

ADHERENTS  OF  LILIUOKALANI  IN  JANUARY,   1895. 


COMPILED  BY  WALLACE  It.  FAKBINGTON. 


CHAPTER  I. 

KISE    AND    FALL    OF   THE    REBELLION. 

The  unfriendly  attitude  of  the  American  Administration  tow- 
ard the  Republic  and  the  withdrawal  of  the  United  States  man- 
of-war  from  the  Honolulu  harbor  early  in  September,  gave  the 
adherents  of  Liliuokalani,  who  sought  to  re-establish  Monarch- 
ical rule  in  the  Islands,  renewed  assurance  that  theirs  might  be 
a  winning  cause  and  the  spirit  of  conspiracy  became  so  thor- 
oughly established  that  a  number  of  private  detectives  were 
kept  in  the  employ  of  the  Marshal  of  the  Islands  watching 
those  who  were  suspected  as  possible  leaders  in  a  revolutionary 
movement.  During  the  closing  weeks  .of  the  year  1894,  the 
evidence  obtained  by  the  police  department  made  the  govern- 
ment apprehensive  of  trouble,  though  just  what  form  it  would 
take,  and  to  place  the  leaders  in  the  movement  was  beyond 


the  power  of  the  officials.  Many  supporters  of  the 
government  were  disposed  to  criticise  the  Marshal  as  being 
unnecessarily  cautious,  but  as  subsequent  events  showed,  it  was 
by  the  untiring  vigilance  of  Marshal  Hitchcock  that  the  most 
deep  seated,  and  if  successful,  the  most  disastrous  revolution 
the  country  has  ever  known,  was  nipped  in  the  bud,  the  plot 
laid  bare  and  the  plotters  brought  to  justice. 

With  the  first  days  of  the  year  1895  came  daily  and  steadily 
increasing  evidence  of  an  attempt  to  overthrow  the  Republic. 
The  keeper  of  the  lookout  station  on  Diamond  Head  reported 
that  he  had  been  requested  not  to  signal  the  arrival  of  the 
steamer  Waimanalo  off  the  harbor.  On  Thursday  night,  Jan. 
3rd,  a  mysterious  gathering  of  natives  was  broken  up  at  Kaka- 
ako  on  the  water  front  of  the  city.  On  the  following  Saturday 
night  a  large  number  of  natives  were  noticed  coming  into  the 
city  from  the  outlying  districts,  and  saloons,  generally  crowded 


203 


with    natives  and  half-whites  on  Saturday  evenings,  were  well 
nigh  deserted. 

Sunday  afternoon,  January  6,  1895,  the  Marshal  received 
positive  information  of  a  gathering  of  natives  and  the  location 
of  a  quantity  of  arms  at  the  house  of  Henry  Bertlemann,  about 
five  miles  from  the  city  on  the  road  running  around  the  base  of 
Diamond  Head.  Deputy  Marshal  Arthur  M.  Brown  was  sent 
out  to  watch  the  place  and  note  those  going  and  coming. 
About  five  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  Captain  Robert  Parker, 
senior  captain  of  the  police  and  a  squad  of  native  police  were 
sent  out  with  a  warrant  to  search  the  premises.  Arriving  near 
the  house  they  found  it  guarded  and  were  fired  on  as  they 
approached.  This  was  an  unexpected  reception  and  they  re- 
treated. Charles  L.  Carter,  Alfred  Carter,  James  B.  Castle  and 
A.  L.  C.  Atkinson,  who  were  living  at  Waikiki,  heard  the  firing 
and  armed  with  rifles,  ran  quickly  toward  the  Bertlemann 
place  to  render  aid.  They  met  Deputy  Marshal  Brown  with 
Captain  Parker  and  the  police  at  the  entrance  of  the  lane  lead- 
ing from  Kapiolani  Park.  Mr.  Atkinson  was  sent  to  town 
with  a  message,  and  with  its  reinforcement  the  party  again 
returned  toward  the  Bertlemann  house.  They  met  no  resistance 
on  entering  the  yard  and  proceeded  to  the  house  where  they 
found  Bertlemann  in  the  sitting  room,  quietly  reading. 
Deputy  Marshal  Brown  entered  the  house,  made  known  his 
mission,  and  at  the  request  of  Bertlemann  read  the  search 
warrant.  Meanwhile  other  members  of  the  party  went  around 
the  hous'e.  As  Mr.  Carter  and  Mr.  Castle  approached  the 


canoe  shed,  which  is  perhaps  twenty-five  feet  from  the  house 
toward  the  sea,  they  saw  forms  in  the  shed  and  Mr.  Carter 
rushed  toward  the  entrance  followed  by  Mr.  Castle  and  Alfred 
Carter.  Firing  immediately  began,  Charles  Carter  being 
wounded  in  tbe  breast.  On  entering  the  shed  he  fell  and  at 
that  time  undoubtedly  received  the  fatal  shot  in  the  abdomen. 
The  firing  became  general,  the  native  police  being  engaged  with 
a  number  of  the  rebels  firing  from  a  clump  of  trees.  Those  in 
the  canoe  house  quickly  scattered  and  ran  up  the  beach,  firing 
as  they  went.  The  two  men  captured  by  the  police  were  taken 
into  the  house  and  with  Bertlemann  placed  under  guard. 
Charles  Carter,  who  was  by  this  time  suffering  from  most 
agonizing  pain,  was  laid  on  a  bed  in  the  house.  The  two 
native  police,  Holi  and  Logan  who  had  been  wounded  in  the 
scrimmage  were  also  taken  into  the  house  where  the  small 
searching  party  stood  watch  over  the  prisoners  and  awaited 
assistance  from  the  town. 

The  news  that  fighting  was  going  on  at  Waikiki  reached  town 
between  half  past  seven  and  eight  o'clock  while  a  large  propor- 
tion of  the  people  wore  at  the  evening  services  of  the  churches. 
Marshal  Hitchcock  realizing  that  he  had  trouble  of  a  serious 
nature  on  his  hands  called  out  the  Citizens'  Guard,  the  military 
was  also  ordered  to  rendezvous  and  within  two  hours  of  sound- 
ing the  first  alarm,  the  government  had  fully  one  thousand  men 
under  arms  guarding  the  streets  of  the  city. 

A  Cabinet  meeting  was  immediately  called  at  the  police  sta- 
tion and  the  advisability  of  declaring  martial  law  discussed. 


204 


There  was  a  decided  difference  of  opinion  which  resulted  in  an 
adjournment  till  the  morning.  Meanwhile  a  party  of  regulars 
under  Lieut.  King  was  sent  to  the  Bertlemann  house,  and  with 
the  volunteer  companies  at  their  posts  of  rendezvous  and  the 
Citizens'  Guard  patrolling  the  streets  the  government  waited 
for  developments.  Little  or  nothing  was  known  of  the  plans  or 
extent  of  the  uprising.  It  was  apparent  the  rebels  had  arms 
and  plenty  of  them,  but  as  to  the  number  gathered  at  Diamond 
Head,  their  leaders  and  organization,  the  prospect  of  armed  bands 
of  men  attacking  the  city  from  other  directions,  or  the  possibility 
of  an  uprising  in  the  town  with  mobs  fighting  in  the  streets,  the 
government  knew  nothing.  The  threatened  outbreak  had  come 
come  and  the  government  must  be  prepared  to  meet  force  with 
force,  was  the  epitome  of  the  situation  Sunday  night,  January  6th. 
The  government  forces  consisted  of  two  companies  of  regulars, 
five  of  volunteers,  including  a  company  of  Sharpshooters,  the  Citi- 
zens' Guard,  native  police  and  mounted  patrol,  in  all  aggrega- 
ting about  1200  men.  All  but  the  Citizen's  Guard  were  armed 
with  regulation  Springfield  or  Winchester  rifles,  the  members  of 
the  last  organization  furnishing  their  own  arms.  The  Citizens' 
Guard  having  a  regular  company  organization  under  Capt.  F. 
B.  McStocker,  was  subject  to  orders  from  the  Marshal  or  Attorney- 
General  as  an  emergency  auxiliary  of  the  police  department. 

DEATH    OF   CARTER. 

The   right  of  writ  of  habeas  corpus  is  hereby  suspended  and 

Monday   morning,  January   7th,   at  5:30  o'clock,  Charles  L.      Martial    Law    is    instituted    and   established    throughout    the 
Carter  died  from  wounds  received  in  the  fight  of  the  previous      Island  of  Oahu,  to  continue  until  further   notice,  during  which 

205 


night.  This  was  a  sad  and  unexpected  blow  to  the  com- 
munity as  it  had  been  generally  reported  that  his  injuries  were 
not  of  a  serious  nature.  The  funeral  occurred  on  the  afternoon 
of  the  same  day.  Charles  Lunt  Carter,  the  eldest  son  of 
H.  A.  P.  and  Sybil  A.  Carter,  was  born  in  Honolulu,  Novem- 
ber 30,  1864.  His  early  education  was  obtained  in  schools  of 
his  native  country,  after  which  he  attended  the  Michigan 
School  of  Law  at  Ann  Arbor,  graduating  in  1887.  He  returned 
to  Honolulu  and  became  prominent  in  legal  and  political  cir- 
cles, and  in  1893  was  a  member  of  the  Commission  sent  to 
Washington  to  petition  the  annexation  of  the  Islands  to  the 
United  States.  He  was  prominent  in  framing  the  Con- 
stitution of  the  Republic,  and  at  the  election  of  1894  was 
elected  representative  to  the  Legislature  from  the  Fourth  Dis- 
trict of  Oahu. 

MARTIAL    LAW    DECLARED. 

In  the  early  morning  of  the  7th,  preparations  were  made  to 
attack  the  force  of  rebels.  The  Cabinet  held  an  early  session 
and  the  following  proclamation  of  Martial  Law  was  issued: 

EXECUTIVE  BUILDING,        ( 
HONOLULU,  January  7,  1895.  \ 


time,  however,  the  Courts  will  contiue  in  session   and  conduct 
ordinary  business  as  usual,  except  as  aforesaid. 

By  the  President, 

SANKOBD  B.  DOLE, 
President  of  the  Republic  of  Hawaii. 
J.  A.  KING, 
Minister  of  the  Interior. 

It  became  evident  that  the  active  force  of  the  rebellious 
element  was  intrenched  at  Diamond  Head,  and  parties  were 
sent  out  to  make  attacks  by  way  of  Waikiki,  the  Moiliili  road 
and  from  the  sea.  The  government  field  pieces  backed  up  by 
the  sharp  musketry  proved  effective  in  driving  the  rebels 
toward  the  top  of  Diamond  Head  where  they  were  located  when 
the  night  of  the  7th  fell. 

Within  the  city  of  Honolulu  business  was  practically  sus- 
pended, nearly  all  the  clerks  and  heads  of  the  business  houses 
being  on  guard  in  the  city  or  in  the  field.  No  steamers  or  vessels 
were  allowed  to  depart,  and  a  strict  guard  was  kept  all  along  the 
water  front.  About  noon  the  Marshal  began  to  arrest  the  men 
prominent  in  the  Royalist  cause,  and  by  nightfall  about 
twenty  had  been  put  in  prison,  including  Charles  Clark,  who 
was  known  as  one  of  the  "hangers  on"  of  the  ex-Queen  since 
the  overthrow,  and  who  proved  a  valuable  witness  for  the  gov- 
ernment. At  the  time  of  his  arrest,  a  large  assortment  of 
arms — nine  rifles  and  five  pistols  of  the  finest  workmanship — 
were  taken  from  Washington  Place.  Mrs.  Dominis  had  left 


her  residence  early  in  the  morning  and  with  Mrs.  Nowlein,  one 
of  her  attendants,  had  gone  to  Ewa. 

During  the  afternoon  of  January  7th,  several  of  the  rebels 
were  captured,  and  from  them  it  was  learned  that  the  insurgents 
were  under  the  command  of  Robert  Wilcox  and  Samuel  Nowlein, 
with  Carl  Widemann,  W.  H.  C.  Greig  and  Louis  Marshall  as 
Lieutenants.  Wilcox  had  received  military  instruction  in 
Italy  during  the  days  of  King  Kalakaua,  and  had  always  dis- 
played a  revolutionary  turn  of  mind,  having  been  the  leader  of 
the  fiasco  of  1887.  Samuel  Nowlein  served  in  the  military 
under  the  Monarchy,  and  after  the  overthrow  of  1893  had  lived 
at  Washington  Place  as  a  retainer  of  the  ex-Queen.  Widemann 
was  the  son  of  Judge  H.  A.  Widemann,  one  of  the  ex-Queen's 
Commissioners  to  President  Cleveland.  Greig  and  Marshall 
were  young  clerks  in  business  houses  of  Honolulu.  With  the 
exception  of  Marshall  all  these  men  were  half-caste  Hawaiians, 
the  latter  being  of  American  parentage.  Their  followers  were 
made  up  principally  of  natives  and  half-castes  who  had  been 
day  laborers  about  the  city. 

JOarly  on  the  morning  of  the  8th,  it  was  discovered  that  the  re- 
bels under  cover  of  darkness  and  by  reason  of  their  superior  know- 
ledge of  passes  in  the  mountains,  had  escaped  from  Diamond  Head 
and  were  endeavoring  to  mass  their  forces  in  one  of  the  valleys 
back  of  Honolulu  Startling  rumors  from  the  Ewa  district  to 
the  effect  that  a  filibuster  party  was  landing  near  Waianae  led  to 
the  dispatch  of  a  detail  from  the  Sharpshooters  under  Capt. 
J.  A.  King  on  the  steamer  Claudine  to  cruise  about  the  threatened 


206 


district.  The  story  proved  to  be  a  canard,  and  the  party 
returned  early  in  the  evening.  Another  expedition  hy  water 
was  made  under  command  of  Hon.  H.  P.  Baldwin  on  the 
steamer  Ke  Au  Hou  to  ascertain  the  condition  of  affairs 
on  the  other  Islands,  it  having  been  rumored  that  an  up- 
rising would  take  place  on  Maui,  simultaneously  with 
that  in  Honolulu.  This  expedition  returned  on  the  evening 
of  the  9th,  having  found  everything  quiet  on  the  other 
Islands. 

The  movements  of  the  military  companies  were  centered  on 
an  endeavor  to  locate  the  rebel  forces,  and  prevent  their  escape 
beyond  the  confines  of  the  valleys  back  of  the  city.  It  soon 
became  evident  that  the  rebel  leaders  had  little  control  over  their 
men  whose  principal  desire  was  to  get  away  from  the  fighting 
front.  On  the  afternoon  of  Wednesday,  a  lively  skirmish  was 
precipitated  by  an  attempt  to  surround  some  of  Wilcox's  men  in 
Manoa  valley.  This  resulted  in  one  rebel  killed,  one  wounded, 
two  taken  prisonerss  and  the  final  escape  of  the  principal  part 
of  the  band  into  Pauoa  valley.  The  advantage  of  the  rebels  lay 
in  their  familiarity  with  the  passes  in  the  sharp  mountain 
ridges  that  separate  the  valleys  and  the  ability  of  the  native  to 
pick  his  way  through  the  lantana  thickets,  which  to  the  white 
man  are  practically  impenetrable.  By  Wednesday  night  it  was 
very  apparent  that  so  far  as  any  offensive  movement  on  the 
part  of  the  rebels  was  concerned,  the  fighting  was  finished. 
Men  taken  prisoners  told  of  days  and  nights  in  the  moun- 
tains without  food  or  shelter.  They  had  been  armed  with 


Winchester  carbines  and  a  good  portion  of  the  men  had  no 
idea  how  to  manipulate  the  guns,  much  less  do  effective  work 
with  them. 

From  this  time  on  the  efforts  of  the  government  forces  were 
expended  in  capturing  the  rebel  leaders,  Wilcox,  Nowlein, 
Widemann,  Marshall,  Greig  and  Lot  Lane.  Arrests  among  the 
whites  in  and  about  the  city  were  constantly  being  made  by 
virtue  of  the  evidence  drawn  from  those  taken  prisoners  in  the 
field  and  arrests  made  in  the  city.  It  was  clear  to  the  conspira- 
tors that  the  government  was  receiving  correct  information, 
which  fact  caused  not  a  little  consternation  in  the  ranks  of  up- 
wards of  two  hundred  men  who  were  imprisoned  during  the 
first  two  weeks  of  the  rebellion. 

January  14th  was  a  notable  day.  In  the  forenoon,  Nowlein, 
Widemann,  Greig  and  Marshall  surrendered  themselves  to  the 
authorities,  and  during  the  afternoon  Robert  Wilcox  was  cap- 
tured in  the  outskirts  of  the  city.  The  men  were  hnggard  and 
worn  and  appeared  thankful  to  escape  with  their  lives.  Feel- 
ing among  the  government  supporters  was  at  highest  tension 
and  it  was  generally  demanded  that  the  leaders  of  Ihe  insur- 
rection suffer  the  death  penalty.  The  murder  of  Charles  Carter 
and  the  anarchist  plan  of  attack,  which,  if  carried  out,  must 
have  resulted  in  the  indiscriminate  death  of  women  and  chil- 
dren accenuated  this  feeling,  and  again,  it  was  believed  that 
stern  measures  would  put  an  end  to  the  series  of  periodical 
political  embroglios  from  which  the  country  had  suffered 
during  the  past  ten  years. 


207 


ARREST   OF    LILIUOKALANI. 

Although  it  was  the  general  impression  that  ex-Queen  Liliuo- 
kalani  was  thoroughly  conversant  with  every  preliminary  move 
in  the  plot  to  overthrow  the  Republic,  and  was  in  fact  a 
co-conspirator,  the  government  officials,  although  keeping  a 
close  watch  on  the  woman,  refrained  from  putting  her  under 
arrest  until  unquestionable  evidence  was  obtained  connecting 
her  with  the  affair.  On  the  forenoon  of  January  16th,  Deputy 
Marshal  Brown  and  Senior  Captain  Parker  of  the  police  force 
served  a  military  warrant  on  the  ex-Queen  at  her  Wash- 
ington Place  residence.  She  offered  no  protest  and  accom- 
panied them  to  the  Executive  Building,  where  she  was  taken 
into  custody  by  Lieut.  Col.  J.  H.  Fisher,  commanding  the 
military  forces  and  placed  under  guard  in  one  of  the  com- 
modious rooms  of  her  former  palace.  Mrs.  Charles  Wilson 
accompanied  her  as  an  attendant  and  all  possible  was  done  to 
insure  her  comfort  in  the  new  quarters.  The  evening  of  the 
same  day,  Captain  Parker  and  Deputy  Marshal  Brown  accom- 
panied by  Charles  Clark  as  a  guide,  searched  the  premises  and 
unearthed  a  small  arsenal  consisting  of  eleven  pistols,  thirteen 
Springfield  rifles,  twenty-one  Winchester  rifles,  five  swords, 
thirty-eight  full  belts  of  pistol  cartridges,  one  thousand  loose 
cartridges  and  twenty-one  dynamite  bombs.  A  number  of  the 
bombs  were  made  of  cocoanut  shells  filled  with  giant  powder, 
but  the  greater  proportion  were  iron  shells  filled  with  giant 
powder  and  small  bird  shot,  with  cap  and  fuse  ready  for 


immediate  use.  These,  with  the  draft  of  a  new  Constitution 
and  Commissions  for  officials  of  the  government  that  was  to  be 
instituted,  left  no  doubt  as  to  the  knowledge  of  the  ex-Queen 
Liliuokalani  of  the  plans  of  the  revolutionists. 


CHAPTER  II. 

TRIAL    OF    THE    POLITICAL     PRISONERS. 

The  problem  of  bringing  the  political  prisoners  to  justice  was 
a  matter  entailing  quite  as  much  careful  thought  a*id  dis- 
cretion, as  unearthing  the  plot  of  the  conspirators,  and  putting 
down  the  rebellion.  The  prisoners  anticipated  little  more  con- 
sideration than  would  be  received  at  the  hands  of  a  drum-head 
court  martial,  but  notwithstanding  the  government  was  firm 
in  its  determination  to  impress  upon  them  the  serious  nature 
of  the  crime  committed,  there  was  no  disposition  to  administer 
punishment  with  radical  haste  or  without  due  attention  to  the 
testimony  of  each  defendant.  Under  advisement  of  the  Execu- 
tive and  Advisory  Councils,  President  Dole,  by  the  constitu- 
tional authority  vested  in  him  as  Commander-in-chief  of  the 
armed  forces,  caused  to  be  issued  on  January  16th,  an  order  for 
a  Military  Commission  "to  meet  at  Honolulu,  Island  of  Oahu, 
on  the  17th  day  of  January,  A.  D.  1895,  at  10  A.  M.,  and  there- 
after from  day  to  day  for  the  trial  of  such  prisoners  as  may 
be  brought  before  it  on  the  charges  and  specifications  to  be 


208 


presented  by  the  Judge  Advocate."  The  officers  of  the  Court 
were  : 

Colonel  William  Austin  Whiting,  First  Regiment,  N.  G.  H. 

Lieutenant-Colonol  J.  H.  Fisher,  First  Regiment,  N.  G.  H. 

Captain  C.  W.  Ziegler,  Company  F,  N.  G.  H. 

Captain  J.  M.  Camara,  Jr.,  Company  C,  N.  G.  H. 

Captain  J.  W.  Pratt,  Adjutant,  N.  G.  H. 

Captain  W.  C.  Wilder,  Jr.,  Company  D,  N.  G.  H. 

First  Lieutenant  J.  W.  Jones,  Company  D,  N.  G.  H. 

Captain  William  A.  Kinney,  Aide-de-Camp  on  General  Staff, 
Judge  Advocate. 

Colonel  Whiting  and  Captain  Kinney  were  commissioned  as 
officers  of  the  National  Guard  under  an  act  passed  by  the 
Advisory  Council  authorizing  the  Commander-in-Chief  to  fill 
vacancies  by  appointment  during  martial  law.  Mr.  Whiting 
was  a  Judge  in  the  Circuit  Court  and  Mr.  Kinney  a  member  of 
the  Honolulu  bar  who  had  assisted  the  Government  in  obtain- 
ing evidence  against  those  implicated  in  the  uprising.  The 
other  ir.embers  of  the  Commission  were  regularly  elected  line 
officers  of  the  military  forces  and  had  been  members  of  the 
National  Guard  since  its  organization  in  1893. 

The  trials  were  held  in  the  Legislative  Hall  of  the  Executive 
building  and  were  open  to  the  general  public,  special  accommo- 
dations also  being  made  for  the  attendance  of  the  diplomatic 
corps.  No  restrictions  were  placed  upon  the  press  of  the  coun- 
try, except  that  no  comments  on  the  conduct  of  the  trials  or 
the  testimony  offered  was  allowed. 


The  first  men  brought  before  the  Commission  were  Henry  F. 
Bertelmann,  W.  Lane,  James  Lane,  Carl  Widemann,  W.  H.  C. 
Greig,  Louis  Marshall,  Robert  W.  Wilcox  and  Sam  Nowlein, 
charged  with  "Treason,  by  abetting,  procuring,  counselling, 
inciting  and  aiding  others  to  commit  treason,  and  to  engage  in 
open  rebellion  against  the  Government  of  the  Republic  of 
Hawaii,  and  by  attempting  by  force  and  arms  to  overthrow  and 
destroy  the  same,  and  by  levying  war  against  the  same."  The 
prisoners  were  allowed  counsel,  Paul  Neumann  acting  as  the 
leading  attorney  throughout  the  trials.  Other  lawyers  who 
appeared  as  counsel  at  different  times,  were  Antone  Rosa,  S.  K. 
Ka-ne,  J.  Kaulukou  and  Jas.  A.  Magoon. 

One  of  the  first  moves  of  the  counsel  was  to  raise  objection 
to  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Commission  on  the  following 
grounds:  "That  no  military  or  other  law  exists  in  the 
Hawaiian  Islands  under  which  a  Military  Commission  is 
authorized  to  try  any  person  for  a  statutory  crime.  That  under 
the  proclamation  of  martial  law  the  general  authority  of  the 
Courts  of  the  Republic  created  by  the  Constitution  continues, 
and  they  have  authority  to  conduct  all  business  which  comes 
properly  before  them,  and  have  the  sole  authority  to  try  per- 
sons accused  of  offenses  such  as  are  specified  in  the  charges 
before  the  Commission." 

Lawyer  Neumann,  in  defending  his  objection,  called  atten- 
tion to  the  fact  that  the  limit  of  martial  law  is  in  the  Com- 
mander-in-Chief. If  such  was  the  case,  then  the  accused  were 
not  given  the  rights  allowed  under  the  Constitution.  He 


209 


claimed  that  the  Military  Commission  had  no  right  to  try  a 
crime  committed  against  the  Republic  of  Hawaii,  which  had 
Civil  Courts  in  which  fair  trial  would  be  given.  The  accused 
had  a  right  to  appeal  to  the  country  and  its  laws.  There  was 
nothing  to  show  that  the  Commission  had  any  right  to  act 
unless  it  showed  the  exigency.  The  rebellion  was  a  thing  of 
the  past. 

The  Judge-Advocate  stated  that  martial  law  is  a  law  of 
necessity,  in  which  the  question  of  necessity  rests  in  the  dis- 
cretion of  the  Executive  and  nobody  can  call  it  in  question. 
The  right  had  been  exercised;  there  was  nothing  more  to  say. 
Referring  to  the  section  of  the  order  which  allowed  the  Courts 
to  proceed  with  routine  business,  Captain  Kinney  said,  "  Sound 
common  sense  clearly  shows  what  the  intention  was,  and  no 
man  need  err  therein,  though  a  fool."  He  refused  to  argue 
whether  the  Executive  exercised  the  right  of  law  judiciously. 
Answering  the  objection  that  the  rebellion  had  been  put  down 
and  no  actual  hostilities  existed,  Captain  Kinney  said,  "  God 
knows  whether  they  do  or  not.  No  one  knew  whether  they  did 
when  men  hurried  from  their  beds  on  the  night  of  January  6th 
No  man  is  yet  assured  of  where  we  stand." 

The  Commission  overruled  the  objection  and  the  trial  pro- 
ceeded. 

Bertlemann,  Wilcox  and  Nowlein  pleaded  guilty  to  charges 
and  specifications.  The  others  declined  to  plead  on  advice'of 
counsel.  The  Government's  case  was  strengthened  by  con- 
fessions made  by  Samuel  Nowlein,  organizer  of  the  military 


rebel  forces;  Henry  Bertleman,  at  whose  house  the  first  out- 
break 'occurred,  and  Captain  Davis,  George  Townsend  and 
Charles  Warren,  who  assisted  in  landing  arms.  The  trial  of 
these  eight  leaders  in  the  field  was  completed  on  Saturday  the 
19th.  With  the  exception  of  Nowlein  and  Bertlemann  each  of 
the  prisoners  went  on  the  witness  stand  and  made  statements 
as  to  their  connection  with  the  rebellion.  The  counsel  for  the 
defense  made  a  strong  plea  for  clemency  of  the  prisoners, 
most  of  whom  were  Hawaiian  born.  Judge-Advocate  Kinney  in 
his  argument  laid  great  stress  on  the  fact  that  the  time  and 
opportunity  had  come  to  put  an  end  to  the  biennial  uprising  to. 
which  the  country  had  been  subjected.  Those  representing  and 
supporting  the  present  and  only  lawful  government  demanded 
a  fair,  just  and  reasonable  decision  at  the  hands  of  the  Com- 
mission., 

None  of  the  findings  of  the  Commission  were  made  public 
till  the  trials  were  completed. 

On  Monday,  January  21st,  the  Commission  began  the  trial  of 
Charles  T.  Gulick,  William  H.  Rickard,  Thomas  B.  Walker 
and  William  T.  Seward.  These  men  were  among  the  prime 
movers  of  the  revolt,  although  they  took  no  part  in  the  open 
hostilities.  Gulick  and  Seward  were  of  American  parentage, 
the  latter  having  served  in  the  Union  forces  during  the  War  of 
the  Rebellion.  Gulick  was  a  descendant  of  one  of  the  promi- 
nent missionary  families;  was  a  member  of  the  Honolulu  liar 
and  took  an  active  part  in  politics  under  the  Monarchy,  serv- 
ing at  one  time  as  Minister  of  the  Interior.  Rickard  and 


210 


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Walker  were  of  English  parentage,  the  former  being  at  one  time 
numbered  among  the  well-to-do  sugar  planters  of  the  country. 
Of  late  years  he  had  lost  heavily  and  was  practically  bankrupt. 
Walker  was  a  contractor  and  builder,  who,  after  the  down-fall 
of  the  Monarchy,  gave  quite  as  much  attention  to  plotting 
against  the  Government  as  to  his  business  affairs. 

These  four  organizers  of  the  rebellion  were  called  to  answer 
to  the  charge  of  treason.  Gulick,  Seward  and  Rickard  plead 
not  guilty  to  each  charge  and  specification.  Walker  pleaded 
guilty  to  the  specifications  charging  him  with  aiding  and  abet- 
ting rebellion  and  procuring  munitions  for  the  insurgents. 
The  trial  of  these  four  men  lasted  four  days,  during  which  time 
the  witnesses  for  the  Government  laid  bare  the  plot  of  the  re- 
bellion, over  which  these  men  had  practically  acted  as  super- 
visors. Among  the  witnesses  who  gave  the  most  damaging 
evidence  were  Nowlein  and  Bertelmann,  Captain  Davies,  cap- 
tain of  the  Steamer  Waimanalo  which  was  used  in  landing  the 
arms;  John  Cummins,  with  whom  "  Major  "  Seward  had  lived 
during  the  greater  part  of  his  residence  in  the  islands,  and 
William  F.  Kaae,  who  had  acted  as  private  secretary  to  Liliu- 
okalani  during  her  residence  at  Washington  place. 

The  evidence  presented  showed  that  Seward  had  made  a  trip 
to  San  Francisco  in  December  of  1894,  procured  the  arms  and 
ammunition  and  arranged  for  shipment  to  Honolulu.  Rickard 
had  assumed  the  task  of  looking  after  the  arms  on  their  arrival. 
Gulick  acted  as  legal  adviser,  having  assisted  in  drafting  the 
Constitution  and  Cabinet  Commission  for  the  new  Government. 

211 


Walker,  besides  being  an  all  round  instigator,  had  provided  for 
the  manufacture  of  dynamite  bombs  which  were  to  be  used  in 
the  street  fighting.  To  him  had  been  assigned  the  task  of  lead- 
ing the  forces  that  were  to  attack  the  police  station.  State- 
ments to  this  effect  were  made  by  Walker  himself,  who  went  on 
the  stand  as  a  witness  in  order  to  protect  members  of  his 
family  from  being  brought  before  the  commission  as  witnesses. 
On  the  last  day  of  the  trial  Gulick  made  a  written  statement  in 
which  he  denied  having  taken  any  part  in  or  having  any  know- 
ledge of  the  plottings  against  the  Republic.  It  was  proved 
conclusively  however,  that  he  had  not  only  drafted  the  constitu- 
tion, and  forms  for  cabinet  commissions  and  martial  law  orders, 
but  meetings  of  the  leaders  had  been  held  at  his  house  and  he 
had  been  in  close  touch  with  nearly  every  move  of  the  royalists 
in  their  plans  to  overthrow  the  Republic.  The  evidence  sub- 
mitted by  the  prosecution  was  so  complete,  that,  beyond  the 
statement  of  Gulick  the  defense  had  very  little  to  offer.  As  in 
the  previous  cases,  the  plea  of  the  defense  was  for  clemency. 
The  J  udge- Advocate  in  his  closing  arguments  on  the  case, 
drew  attention  to  the  manner  in  which  these  men  of  intelligence 
had  pushed  the  ignorant  native  into  the  brunt  of  the  fight,  having 
been  careful  to  screen  their  own  connection  with  the  affair  in  case 
of  the  failure  of  the  natives,  but  ready  at  the  first  evidence  of 
success  to  come  to  the  front  and  claim  the  glory.  As  for  the 
sympathy  of  the  accused  for  the  natives,  the  Judge  Advocate 
held  that  if  their  sympthy  had  led  them  to  put  fire  brands  in 
the  hands  of  the  natives  it  should  have  led  them  to  go  to  the 


field  and  exercise  a  controling  hand.  "Carter  lost  his  life 
through  the  lack  of  control  of  the  natives;  certainly  these 
leaders  should  have  thought  of  the  women  or  children  in  the 
town  who  would  be  exposed  to  the  same  danger.  There  was 
nothing  manly,  nothing  patriotic,  except  possibly  among  the 
natives  who  went  blindly  to  the  front.  The  criminal  act  of  the 
accused  was  worse  than  that  of  pirates,  as  they  were  not  on  the 
pirate  deck." 

On  the  afternoon  of  the'  23d  of  January,  the  first  lot  of 
natives,  twelve  in  number,  captured  in  the  field  was  brought 
before  the  court  on  the  charge  of  treason.  The  principal 
defense  of  these  men  as  well  as  the  majority  of  the  rank  and  file 
of  the  insurgents  who  were  brought  before  the  court  later,  was 
that  they  had  been  forced  into  the  fight  by  the  foreign  and  half 
white  leaders.  While  it  is  true  that  they  were  willing  partici- 
pants and  were  possibly  inspired  by  a  feeling  of  loyalty  to  the 
ex-Queen,  had  they  been  less  under  the  influence  of  liquor,  better 
aware  of  the  enormity  of  the  crime  committed  and  the  punish- 
ment to  which  they  were  liable  on  account  of  their  action,  it  is 
highly  probable  that  they  would  have  withheld  from  joining 
the  insurgent  forces.  The  trials  of  the  natives  were  slow  and 
tedious,  nearly  every  prisoner  being  enthused  with  a  desire  to 
question  witnesses  and  make  lengthy  statements  of  their  con- 
nection with  the  uprising.  A  second  lot  of  thirteen  natives 
was  brought  into  court  on  the  evening  of  Thursday  the  24th, 
their  trial  continuing  through  the  week. 

The  first  man  to  be  placed  on  trial  for  Misprison  pf  Treason 


was  John  F.  Bowler,  a  contractor  and  builder  of  Honolulu,  who 
has  always  been  quite  prominent  in  politics.  Counsel  Neu- 
mann at  the  opening  of  this  case  made  a  strong  fight  against 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  Court,  additional  objections  to  those  pre- 
sented at  previous  trials  being  offered  as  follows  : 

First. — That  there  is  no  actual  state  of  war  in  the  country. 

Second. — That  the  proclamation  of  martial  law  does  not 
authorize  the  trial  of  any  person  by  a  Military  Commission,  or 
a  Court  Martial,  unless  he  is  a  member  of  the  Military  or  Navy 
of  this  country  or,  if  actual  war  exists,  that  he  has  committed 
an  offense  against  the  laws  of  war. 

Third. — The  crime  of  which  the  prisoner  is  accused  is  Mis- 
prison of  Treason,  a  statutory  crime  which,  by  its  definition 
under  the  law,  is  not  an  offense  against  the  laws  of  war. 

Fourth. — That  under  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the  Re- 
public of  Hawaii  the  prisoner  is  entitled  to  a  triul  by  jury  upon 
information,  indictment  and  complaint,  except  in  cases  of  im- 
peachment. 

Judge-Advocate  Kinney  marked  the  usage  of  martial  law  as 
different  times  as  follows: 

First. — "The  law  martial  exercised  by  the  constable  and 
marshal  over  troops  in  active  service." 

Second. — "  The  same  system  in  time  of  peace  or  emergency 
and  especially  for  punishment  for  the  breaches  of  the  peace." 

Third. — "  For  the  government  of  standing  armies  under  the 
Mutiny  Act  and  the  Army  Discipline  Act." 

Fourth. — "  The  common  law  right  of  the  crown  and  its  repre- 


212 


sentatives  to  repel  force  by  force  in  case  of  rebellion   or  insur- 
rection and  to  act  against  rebels  as  it  might  against  invaders." 

This  trial  and  those  for  Misprison  of  Treason  that  were  to 
follow  came  more  correctly  under  the  second  definition. 
''  Under  the  Constitution  of  Hawaii  the  President  may  not  only 
suspend  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus;  he  may  not  only  declare 
martial  law;  he  may  place  the  whole  or  any  part  of  the  Re- 
public under  martial  law;  not  only  in  case  of  rebellion  or  insur- 
rection, but  when  there  is  imminent  danger  of  rebellion  or 
insurrection  and  the  public  safety  requires.  He  may  not  only 
use  the  military  force  to  suppress  an  insurrection  and  during 
its  actual  continuance;  he  may  use  military  force  and  martial 
law  for  the  prevention  of  any  recurrence  or  repetition  of  an 
insurrection,  that  is  to  say,  while  there  is  "  imminent  danger" 
of  it,  and  if  he  may  govern  the  country  under  such  circum- 
stances by  martial  law  for  any  purpose,  he  may  do  so  for  all 
purposes. 

''The  Hawaiian  law,  unlike  English  and  American  law, 
authorizes  the  establishment  and  continuance  of  martial  law  in 
time  of  peace  as  well  as  war.  It  may  be,  also,  that  the  prisoner 
has,  by  his  crime,  made  himself  liable  before  the  Civil  Courts  of 
the  country  if  they  were  now  performing  their  functions  in  cases 
of  this  nature.  There  is  no  inconsistency  in  the  same  conduct 
being  punishable  as  well  by  municipal  as  by  martial  law,  or  in 
the  same  act,  being  criminal,  as  well  by  municipal  as  by  mar- 
tial law.  Today  each  and  every  provision  of  the  Constitution 
of  Hawaii  which  conflicts  with  martial  law  is  superseded  by 


the  martial  law,  which  is  supreme  today.  The  mere  suspension 
of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  might,  perhaps,  imply  that  the 
civil  processes  would  subsequently  apply  in  any  case  not 
strictly  a  war  case;  but  the  Hawaiian  Constitution  goes  further 
than  to  suspend  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  and  makes  martial 
law,  and  nothing  but  martial  law, -now  supreme  upon  the 
island  of  Hawaii  today." 

Mr.  Kinney  closed  by  stating  that  it  was  due  only  to  a  rule 
of  law  that  Bowler  was  not  charged  with  treason. 

The  Commission  overruled  the  objections  to  its  jurisdiction 
in  this  as  in  the  preceding  cases. 

The  evidence  brought  out  in  the  two  days'  trial  showed  that 
Bowler  had  been  aware  of  the  plot  of  the  insurgents,  and  to 
him  had  been  delegated  the  capture  of  the  telephone  offices.  The 
non-arrival  in  the  city  of  Nowlein's  forces  was  apparently  all 
that  prevented  his  taking  an  active  part  in  the  fighting.  Bowler, 
however,  made  a  statement  asserting  his  innocence  and  ignor- 
ance of  all  plans  and  intentions  of  the  insurgents. 

On  the  afternoon  of  January  29,  the  trial  of  Volney  V.  Ash- 
ford  for  Misprison  of  Treason  was  opened.  Outside  the  trial  of 
the  ex-Queen  this  was  one  of  the  hardest  fought  legal  battles  of 
the  trials.  The  defense  endeavored  to  break  down  the  evidence 
of  Samuel  Nowlein  who,  it  was  understood,  was  to  be  one  of  the 
principal  witnesses  against  Liliuokalani.  All  attempts  in  this 
direction  were  futile,  however,  it  being  shown  that  Ashford  had 
acted  as  one  of  Nowlein's  advisors  and  was  conversant  of  the 
proposed  outbreak.  V.  V.  Ashford  had  always  been  active  in 


213 


politics,  and  with  his  brother  C.  W.  Ashford,  was  always  known 
as  a  rebellious  spirit.  He  had  been  prominent  in  military 
circles  during  the  reign  of  the  Monarchy,  and  at  one  time  was 
forced  to  leave  the  country  for  his  participation  in  political 
plottings.  After  the  overthrow  he  returned  and  immediately 
became  affiliated  with  the  royalist  cause. 

The  most  prominent  persons  brought  before  the  Court  from 
this  on  were  ex-Queen  Liliuokalani  and  Jonah  Kalanianaole 
commonly  known  as  "  Prince  Cupid."  Their  trial  will  be 
dealt  with  more  fully  in  succeeding  chapters.  Outside  these 
the  time  of  the  Commission  was  taken  up  principally  with 
the  trial  of  natives  who  had  been  connected  with  the  affair, 
either  as  active  participants  in  the  field  or  guards  and  mes- 
sengers during  and  previous  to  the  outbreak. 

The  trial  of  the  last  case  brought  before  the  Commission 
ended  March  1.  The  Commission  did  not  adjourn  sine  die, 
however,  until  March  18,  when  all  the  men  against  whom  the 
government  held  serious  charges  had  left  the  country,  and 
many  who  had  been  imprisoned  during  the  outbreak  were 
released. 

During  its  session  of  thirty-six  days,  191  prisoners  were 
brought  before  the  Commission.  Of  the  176  prisoners  charged 
with  treason  five  were  acquitted,  and  in  the  cases  of  sixty-four, 
notably  the  natives  on  guard  at  Washington  Place  and  witnesses 
who  turned  States  evidence,  sentence  was  suspended.  Only 
two  of  the  fifteen  charged  with  misprison  of  treason  were 
acquitted. 


The  first  of  the  sentences  were  made  public  on  February  12, 
when  a  number  of  natives  found  guilty  of  treason  were  sen- 
tenced to  five  years  imprisonment  at  hard  labor.  A  few  days 
latter  followed  the  sentences  of  Volney  V.  Ashford  and  John 
F.  Bowler,  convicted  of  misprison  of  treason,  Ashford  being 
sentenced  to  one  year's  imprisonment  with  $1000  fine,  and 
Bowler  to  five  years'  imprisonment  and  $5000  fine.  On  Satur- 
day, February  23,  the  sentences  of  the  leaders  were  published 
as  follows:  Charles  T.  Gulick,  W.  H.  Seward,  Robert  Wilcox, 
Samuel  Nowlein  and  Henry  Bertlemann,  each  thirty-five  years' 
imprisonment  at  hard  labor,  with  a  fine  of  $10,000.  The 
Military  Commission  had  sentenced  these  men  to  suffer  the 
death  penalty,  which  sentence  was  commutted  by  the  President 
as  above.  Sentences  were  suspended  in  the  cases  of  Nowlein 
and  Bertlemann,  they  having  given  important  evidence.  The 
other  leaders  sentenced  were:  T.  B.  Walker,  thirty  years  and 
$5000  fine;  Carl  Widemann,  thirty  years  and  $10,000  fine; 
W.  H.  C.  Greig,  twenty  years  and  $10,000  fine  ;  Louis  Marshall, 
twenty  years  and  $10,000  fine.  The  ex-Queen  was  sentenced  to 
five  years'  imprisonment  with  $5000  fine  and  Jonah  Kalaniana- 
ole, commonly  known  as  "  Prince  Cupid "  to  one  year  with 
$1,000  fine.  J.  A.  Cummins  received  the  same  sentence  as  ex- 
Queen  Liliuokalani  but  was  released  on  payment  of  fine.  The 
sentences  of  the  others  who  were  mostly  natives  and  half  castes, 
ranged  all  the  way  from  five  months  to  five  years  imprison- 
ment, the  fine,  as  a  rule,  being  stricken  out  by  the  Presi- 
dent. 


214 


CHAPTER  III. 

ABDICATION    AND    TRIAL    OF    LILIUOKALANI. 

When  it  became  apparent  that  all  hopes  of  the  restoration  of 
ex-Queen  Liliuokalani  had  been  irretrevably  blighted,  it  became 
general! y  rumored  that  the  ex-Regent  was  prepared  to  make  a 
formal  abdication  of  her  claims  as  the  only  lawful  ruler  of  the 
people  of  Hawaii — a  claim  to  which  she  had  adhered  most  tenaci- 
ously from  the  day  of  the  overthrow.  During  her  detention  in  the 
Executive  Building  she  was  in  constant  touch  with  her  friends  and 
advisers,  through  her  agent  Charles  B.  Wilson,  who  was  allowed 
free  access  to  her  apartments  by  the  military  authorities. 

On  the  afternoon  of  January  24th,  the  members  of  the  Cabi- 
net were  informed  that  the  ex-Queen  had  an  official  document 
which  it  was  desired  should  be  presented  to  the  Executive. 
They  signified  their  willingness  to  listen  to  any  communication 
which  the  now  military  prisoner  might  submit.  During  the 
latter  part  of  the  day  a  copy  of  the  following  correspondence 
was  put  in  the  hands  of  Attorney-General  Smith.  The  letter 
was  drawn  by  Judge  A.  S.  Hartwell  who  had  been  consulted 
by  Messrs.  Wilson,  Parker  and  Neumann  regarding  the  matter, 
and  acted  as  advising  counsel  for  them.  Judge  Hartwell  also 
attended  the  execution  of  the  document: 

ISLAND  OF  OAHU, 
HONOLULU,  Jan.  24,  1895. 

To  THE  HON.  SANFORD  BALLARD  DOLK,  President  of  the  Republic 
of  Hawaii : 

SIR: — After  full  and  free  consultation  with  my  personal 
friends  and  with  my  legal  advisors,  both  before  and  since  my 


detention  by  military  order  in.  the  Executive  building,  and 
acting  in  conformity  with  their  advice,  and  also  upon  my  own 
free  volition,  and  in  pursuance  of  my  unalterable  belief  and 
understanding  of  my  duty  to  the  people  of  Hawaii,  and  to  their 
highest  and  best  interests,  and  also  for  the  sake  of  those  mis- 
guided Hawaiians  and  others  who  have  recently  engaged  in 
rebellion  against  the  Republic,  and  in  an  attempt  to  restore  me 
to  the  position  of  queen,  which  I  held  prior  to  the  17th  day  of 
January,  A.  D.  1893,  and  without  any  claim  that  shall  become 
entitled,  by  reason  of  anything  that  I  may  now  say  or  do,  to 
any  other  or  different  treatment  or  consideration  at  the  hands 
of  the  Government  than  I  otherwise  could  and  might  legally 
receive,  I  now  desire  to  express  and  make  known,  and  do  hereby 
express  and  make  known,  to  yourself,  as  the  only  lawful  and 
recognized  head  of  the  Government,  and  to  all  the  people  of 
the  Hawaiian  Islands,  whether  or  not  they  have  yet  become 
citizens  of  the  Republic,  or  are  or  have  been  adherents  of  the 
late  monarchy,  and  also  to  all  diplomatic  and  other  foreign 
representatives  in  the  Hawaiian  Islands,  to  all  of  whom  I 
respectfully  request  you  to  cause  this  statement  and  action  of 
mine  to  be  made  known  as  soon  as  may  be,  as  follows,  namely  : 
First.  In  order  to  avoid  any  possibility  of  doubt  or  mis- 
understanding although  I  do  not  think  that  any  doubt  or  mis- 
understanding' is  either  proper  or  possible,  I  hereby  do  fully 
and  unequivocally  admit  and  declare  that  the  Government  of 
the  Republic  of  Hawaii  is  the  only  lawful  Government  of  the 
Hawaiian  Islands,  and  that  the  late  Hawaiian  monarchy  is  finally 


215 


and  forever  ended,  and  no  longer  of  any  legal  or  actual  validity, 
force  or  effect  whatsoever ;  and  I  do  hereby  forever  absolve  all 
persons  whomsoever,  whether  in  the  Hawaiian  Islands  or  else- 
where, from  all  and  every  manner  of  allegiance,  or  official  obli- 
gation or  duty,  to  me  and  my  heirs  and  successors  forever,  and  I 
hereby  declare  to  all  such  persons  in  the  Hawaiian  Islands  that  I 
consider  them  as  bound  in  duty  and  honor  henceforth  to  sup- 
port and  sustain  the  Government  of  the  Republic  of  Hawaii. 

Second.  For  myself,  my  heirs  and  successors,  I  do  hereby 
and  without  any  mental  reservation  or  modification,  and  fully, 
finally,  unequivocally,  irrevocably,  and  forever  abdicate,  re- 
nounce and  release  unto  the  Government  of  the  Republic  of 
Hawaii  and  the  legitimate  successors  forever  all  claims  or  pre- 
tensions whatsoever  to  the  late  throne  of  Hawaii,  or  to  the  late 
monarchy  of  Hawaii,  or  to  any  past,  or  to  the  existing,  or  to 
any  future  Government  of  Hawaii,  or  under  or  by  reason  of 
any  present  or  formerly  existing  constitution,  statute,  law, 
position,  right  or  claim  of  any  and  every  kind,  name  or  nature 
whatsoever,  and  whether  the  same  consist  of  pecuniary  or 
property  considerations,  or.  of  personal  status,  hereby  forever 
renouncing,  disowning  and  disclaiming  all  rights,  claims, 
demands,  privileges,  honors,  emoluments,  titles  and  prerogatives 
whatsoever,  under  or  by  virtue  of  any  former,  or  the  existing 
Government,  constitution,  statute,  law  or  custom  of  the  Hawai- 
ian Islands  whatsoever,  save  and  excepting  only  such  rights 
and  privileges  as  belong  to  me  in  common  with  all  private 
citizens  of,  or  residents  in  the  Republic  of  Hawaii. 


Third.  I  do  hereby  respectfully  implore  for  such  misguided 
Hawaiians  and  others  as  have  been  concerned  in  the  late 
rebellion  against  the  Republic  of  Hawaii,  such  degree  of  execu- 
tive clemency  as  the  Government  may  deem  to  be  consistent 
with  its  duty  to  the  community,  and  such  as  a  due  regard  for 
its  violated  laws  may  permit. 

Fourth.  It  is  my  sincere  desire  henceforth  to  live  in  absolute 
privacy  and  retirement  from  all  publicity,  or  even  appearance 
of  being  concerned  in  the  public  affairs  of  the  Hawaiian  islands. 
further  than  to  express,  as  I  now  do  and  shall  always  continue 
to  do,  my  most  sincere  hope  for  the  welfare  and  prosperity  of 
its  people,  under  and  subject  to  the  Government  of  the  Repub- 
lic of  Hawaii. 

Fifth.  I  hereby  offer  and  present  my  duly  certified  oath  of 
allegiance  to  the  Republic  of  Hawaii. 

Sixth.  I  have  caused  the  foregoing  statement  to  be  prepared 
and  drawn,  and  have  signed  the  same  without  having  received 
the  slightest  suggestion  from  the  President  of  Hawaii,  or  from 
any  member  of  the  Government  of  Hawaii,  concerning  the  same 
or  any  part  thereof,  or  concerning  any  action  or  course  of  my 
own  in  the  premises. 

Relying  upon  the  magnanimity  of  the  Government  of  the 
Republic,  and  upon  its  protection. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  Mr.  President, 
Very  respectfully, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 
(Signed)  LILIUOKALANI  DOMINIS. 


216 


On  the  24th  day  of  January,  A.  D.  1895,  the  foregoing  was  in 
our  presence  read  over  and  considered  carefully  and  deliberately 
by  Liliuokalani  Doininis,  and  she,  the  said  Liliuokalani 
Dominis,  thereupon  in  our  presence  declared  that  the  same  was 
a  correct,  exact  and  full  statement  of  her  wishes  and  acts  in  the 
premises,  which  statement  she  declared  to  us  that  she  desired 
to  sign  and  acknowledge  in  our  presence  as  her  own  free  act 
and  deed,  and  she  thereupon  signed  the  same  in  our  presence, 
and  declared  the  same  to  be  her  free  act  and  deed,  in  witness 
whereof  we  have  at  the  request  of  the  said  Liliuokalani 
Dominis,  and  in  her  presence,  hereunto  subscribed  our  names 
;is  attesting  witnesses,  at  the  Executive  building,  in  Honolulu 
on  the  Island  of  Oaliu,  this  '24th  day  of  January,  A.  1).  1893. 
(Signed),  WM.  G.  IRWIN, 

H.    A.    WlDEMANN, 

SAMUEL  PARKER, 
J.  KALUA  KAHOOKANO, 
C.  B.  WILSON, 
PAUL  NEUMANN. 


ss. 


HONOLULU, 
ISLAND  OF  OAHU, 

On  this  24th  day  of  January,  A.  D.  1895,  personally  appeared 
before  me,  LILIUOKALANI  DOMINIS.  known  to  me  to  be  the  person 
described  in  and  who  executed  the  foregoing  instrument,  who 
acknowledged  to  me  that  she  executed  the  same  freely  and 
voluntarily  and  for  the  uses  and  purposes  therein  set  forth. 

NOTARIAL  )  W.  L.  STANLEY, 

SEAL.      \  Notary  Public. 


HONOLULU,  ISLAND  OF  OAHU,  i 
HAWAIIAN  ISLANDS,          \ 

I,  Liliuokalani  Dominis,  do  solemnly  swear  in  the  presence 
of  Almighty  God,  that  1  will  support  the  Constitution,  Laws 
and  Government  of  the  Republic  of  Hawaii,  and  will  not,  either 
directly  or  indirectly,  encourage  or  assist  in  the  restoration  or 
establishment  of  a  monarchical  form  of  government  in  the 

Hawaiian  Islands.  (Signed)  W.  L.  STANLEY, 

Notary  Public. 

The  effect  of  this  letter  of  abdication  was  not  as  sensational 
as  might  be  anticipated  at  first  thought.  In  fact  the  move  came 
about  two  years  too  late  to  attract  extraordinary  attention.  In 
the  eyes  of  the  Government,  this  lady  was  in  much  the  same 
position  as  a  private  citizen  who  had  communicated  to  them 
concerning  a  change  of  opinion  in  politics.  With  the  people, 
her  undoubted  knowledge  of  the  plot  of  the  proposed  revolu- 
tion and  her  "abdication"  being  forthcoming  only  when  she 
found  herself  hemmed  in  from  every  side,  gave  her  scant  sym- 
pathy, consequently  this  belated  action  did  not  inspire  the  con- 
fidence in  the  honest  intention  of  the  move  which  would  have 
resulted,  had  it  been  made  at  an  earlier  day. 

The  Executive  submitted  the  letter  to  the  Advisory  Councils 
and  later  made  the  following  reply  : 

EXECUTIVE  BUILDING,      ) 
HONOLULU,  January  29,  1895.  \ 

MADAM: — A  document  executed  by  you  purporting  to  con- 
tain an  abdication  and  renunciation  of  all  sovereign  rights 


217 


heretofore  claimed  by  you  has  been  delivered  on  your  behalf  to 
the  President. 

As  you  were  under  arrest  at  the  time  this  instrument  was 
signed  it  is  desired  before  accepting  and  placing  the  same  on 
file,  to  make  clear  to  you,  in  order  that  no  misunderstanding 
may  hereafter  arise,  the  views  of  the  Government  .in  this 
matter : 

1.  The   execution   of   this    document   cannot    be    taken   to 
exempt  you  in  the  slightest  degree  from  personal  and'individ- 
ual  liability  for  such  complicity  as  due  investigation  and  trial 
may    show   that  you  had   in  the  late  conspiracy   against  the 
Government  and  the  consequent  loss  of  life ;  which  position  is 
recognized  by  you  in  your  letter. 

2.  It  cannot  be  conceded  that  such  rights  and  claims  as  you 
now  voluntarily  relinquish  have  had  any  legal  existence  since 
January  14,  1893,  when  by  your  public  announcement  that  you 
no  longer  considered  yourself  bound  by  the  fundamental  law  of 
the   land   under  which   you  took  office,   and   by  your  acts  in 
attempting  by  the  mere  exercise  of  your  own  will  to  establish  a 
new  system  of  government,  the  contract  existing  between  you 
and  the  people  was  dissolved,  and  all  sovereign  rights  thereto- 
fore vested  in   you  were  lost.     The  statement  by  members  of 
your  then  cabinet  that  they  could  not  control  your  proposed 
action,  and  their  appeal  to  citizens  of  Honolulu  for  assistance, 
was  the  next  step  which  led  to  a  resumption  by  the  people  of 
the  rights  of  government. 

3.  So  far  as  your  communication  may  be  taken  as  a.  notice 


to  the  disaffected  that  it  is  your  desire  that  the  Republic  shall 
be  recognized  by  them  as  the  sole  and  lawful  government  of  the 
country,  it  is  fully  appreciated.  In  this  connection  your  un- 
selfish appeal  for  clemency  for  those  who  took  part  in  the  late 
insurrection  will  receive  full  consideration. 

(Signed)  WILLIAM  0.  SMITH, 

A  ttorne.y-  General. 

To  MRS.  LlLIUOKALANI    DOMINIS. 

That  there  was  a  latent  hope  that  the  letter  of  abdication 
would  influence  the  government  to  act  with  leniency  toward 
the  political  offenders,  and  the  ex-Queen  in  particular  seems 
highly  probable.  Liliuokalani  had,  however,  been  given  the 
opportunity  to  retire  to  private  life  and  live  quietly  and  com- 
fortably among  her  people.  This  opportunity  had  been  c;i-t 
aside,  and  not  until,  balked  on  every  hand  in  her  attempts  to 
regain  her  throne,  did  she  come  to  realize  how  sweet  was  the 
freedom  which  she  had  forfeited. 

Whatever  hope  may  have  existed  in  her  mind  was  ill-founded, 
however.  On  Tuesday,  February  5th.  Liliuokalani  Dominis 
was  brought  before  the  Military  Commission  charged  with  mis- 
prison of  treason.  The  trial  which  occupied  the  greater  part 
of  four  days  was  marked  by  sharp  legal  sparring  and  a  flood  of 
objections  from  the  attorney  for  the  defense.  Among  the  prin- 
cipal witnesses  against  the  ex-Queen  were  Samuel  Nowlein  and 
Charles  Clark,  both  of  whom  had  been  "  hangers  on "  about 
Washington  Place  since  1893,  also  William  Kaae,  who  had 
acted  as  private  secretary  to  Liliuokalani.  Nowlein  testified  to 


218 


having  had  charge  of  the  arms  and  dynamite  bombs  and  mak- 
ing arrangements  to  station  guards  about  the  place  on  the 
night  of  the  outbreak.  Clark  had  been  in  charge  of  the  place 
during  Nowlein's  absence  and  informed  Liliuokalani  of  the 
progress  of  the  movements  in  the  city,  Kaae,  the  private  sec- 
retary, testified  to  having  drawn  up  the  Commissions  for  the 
Cabinet  officers  of  the  new  government,  as  follows  : 

R.  W.  WILCOX,  Minister  Foreign  Affairs. 

SAM  NOWLEIN,  Minister  of  Interior. 

CHARLES  T.  GULICK,  Minister  of  Finance, 

C.  W.  ASHFOUD,  Attorney-General. 

ANTONE  ROSA  and  V.  V.  ASHFORD,  Associate  Justices. 

GOVERNORS. 

A.  S.  CLEGHORN,  Oahu.  JOSEPH  NAWAHI,  Hawaii. 

D.  KAWANANAKOA,  Maui.  J.  KALANIANAOLE,  Kauai. 

W.  H.  RICKARD,  Marshal. 

That  these  Commissions  were  signed  by  the  ex-Queen  was 
further  proven  by  the  entry  in  her  private  diary  December 
28th:  "Signed  eleven  Commissions  today."  Kaae  had  written 
out  the  forms  for  the  Commissions,  proclamations  and  the  new 
Constitution,  under  the  direction  of  C.  T.  Gulick  and  the  ex- 
Queen.  On  Thursday,  the  third  day  of  the  trial,  the  defense 
submitted  the  following  statement  notwithstanding  Liliuo- 
kalani had  gone  on  the  stand  and  made  denial  of  any  knowl- 
edge whatsoever  of  an  attempt  to  restore  her  to  the  throne. 
The  statement  was  inspired  by  her  legal  adviser  and  was  un- 


doubtedly prepared  with  a  view  to  strengthening  the  ex-Queen's 
case,  not  so  much  with  the  Military  Commission  as  with  the 
people  abroad.  Among  her  own  people  this  statement  tended 
to  wipe  out  what  conciliatory  feeling  her  formal  abdication 
may  have  engendered.  The  statement  is  given  in  full :  "  In 
the  year  1893,  on  the  15th  day  of  January,  at  the  request  of  a 
large  majority  of  the  Hawaiian  people,  and  by  and  with  the 
advice  and  consent  of  my  Cabinet,  I  proposed  to  make  certain 
changes  in  the  Hawaiian  Kingdom,  which  were  suggested  to 
me  as  being  for  the  advantage  and  benefit  of  the  Kingdom  and 
subjects  and  residents  thereof.  These  proposed  changes  did  not 
deprive  foreigners  of  any  rights  or  privileges  enjoyed  by  them 
under  the  Constitution  of  1887,  promulgated  by  King  Kalakaua 
and  his  Cabinet,  without  the  consent  of  the  people  or  ratified 
by  their  votes. 

"  My  Ministers  at  the  last  rhomement  changed  their  views 
and  requested  me  to  defer  all  action  in  connection  to  the  Con- 
stitution, and  I  yielded  to  their  advice  as  bound  to  do  by  the 
existing  Constitution  and  Laws. 

"  A  minority  of  the  foreign  population   made  my  action   the 
pretext   for   overthrowing   the    Monarchy,   and    aided    by   the 
United    States    Naval   forces  and   representative  established  a, 
new  government. 

"  I  owed  no  allegiance  to  the  Provisional  Government  so 
established,  nor  to  any  power  or  to  any  one  save  the  will  of  my 
people  and  the  welfare  of  my  country. 

"The  wishes  of  my  people  were  not  consulted  as  to   this 


219 


change  of  government,  and  only  those  who  were  in  practical 
rebellion  against  the  Constitutional  Government  were  allowed 
to  vote  upon  the  question  whether  the  Monarchy  should  exist 
or  not. 

"To  prevent  the  shedding  of  blood  of  my  people,  natives  and 
foreigners  alike,  I  opposed  armed  interference  and  quietly 
yielded  to  the  armed  forces  brought  against  my  throne,  and 
submitted  to  the  arbitrament  of  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  the  decision  of  my  rights  and  those  of  the  Hawaiian 
people.  Since  then,  as  is  well  known  to  all,  I  have  pursued 
the  path  of  peace  and  diplomatic  discretion,  and  not  that  of 
internal  strife. 

"The  United  States  having  first  interfered  in  the  interest  of 
those  founding  the  Government  of  1893  upon  the  basis  of  revo- 
lution, concluded  to  leave  to  the  Hawaiian  people  the  selection 
of  their  own  form  of  government. 

"This  selection  was  anticipated  and  prevented  by  the  Pro- 
visional Government,  who,  being  possessed  of  the  military  and 
police  power  of  the  Kingdom,  so  cramped  the  electorial  privi- 
leges that  no  free  expression  of  their  will  was  permitted  to  the 
people  who  were  opposed  to  them. 

"  By  my  command  and  advice  the  native  people  and  those  in 
sympathy  with  them  were  restrained  from  rising  against  the 
government  in  power.  The  movement  undertaken  by  the 
Hawaiians  last  month  was  absolutely  commenced  without  my 
knowledge,  sanction,  consent  or  assistance,  directly  or  in- 
directly, and  this  fact  is  in  truth  well  known  to  those  who  took 


part  in  it.  I  received  no  information  from  any  one  in  regard  to 
arms  which  were  procured  or  which  were  to  be  procured,  nor  of 
any  men  who  were  induced,  or  to  be  induced  to  join  in  any  such 
uprising.  I  do  not  know  why  this  information  should  have 
been  withheld  from  me,  unless  it  was  with  a  view  to  my  per- 
sonal safety  or  as  a  precautionary  measure.  It  would  not  have 
received  my  sanction,  and  I  can  assure  the  gentlemen  of  this 
Commission  that,  had  I  known  of  any  such  intention,  I  would 
have  dissuaded  the  promoters  from  such  a  venture.  But  I  will 
add,  that  had  I  known,  their  secrets  would  have  been  mine  and 
inviolately  preserved. 

"  That  I  intended  to  change  my  Cabinet  and  appoint  certain 
officers  of  the  Kingdom,  in  the  event  of  my  restoration,  1  will 
admit;  but  that  I,  or  any  one  known  to  me,  had,  in  part  or  in 
whole,  established  a  new  government  is  not  true.  Before  the 
24th  of  January,  1895,  the  day  upon  which  I  formally  abdicated 
and  called  upon  my  people  to  recognize  the  Republic  of  Hawaii 
as  the  only  lawful  Government  of  these  Islands,  and  to  support 
that  Government,  I  claim  that  I  had  a  right  to  select  a  Cabinet 
in  anticipation  of  a  possibility,  and  history  of  other  govern- 
ments support  this  right.  I  was  not  intimidated  into  abdica- 
tion, but  followed  the  counsel  of  able  and  generous  friends  and 
well-wishers  who  advised  me  that  such  an  act  would  restore 
peace  and  good  will  among  my  people  ;  vitalize  the  progress 
and  prosperity  of  the  Islands  and  induce  the  actual  Govern- 
ment to  deal  leniently,  mercifully  and  charitably,  impassion- 
ately  with  those  who  resorted  to  arms  for  the  purpose  of  dis- 


220 


placing  a  government  in  the  formation  of  which  they  had  no 
voice  or  control  ;  and  which  they  themselves  had  seen  estab- 
lished by  force  of  arms. 

"  I  acted  of  my  own  free  will  and  wish  the  world  to  know 
that  I  have  asked  no  immunity  of  favor  myself  nor  pleaded 
my  abdication  as  a  petition  for  mercy.  My  actions  were 
dictated  by  the  sole  aim  of  doing  good  to  my  beloved  country, 
and  of  alleviating  the  positions  and  pains  of  those  who  un- 
happily and  unwisely  resorted  to  arms  to  regain  an  independ- 
ence, which  they  thought  had  been  unjustly  wrested  from  them. 

"As  you  deal  with  them,  so  I  pray  that  the  Almighty  God 
may  deal  with  you  in  your  hours  of  trial.  To  my  regret  much  has 
been  said  about  the  danger  which  threatened  foreign  women, 
and  children,  and  about  the  blood-thirstiness  of  the  Hawaiians 
and  the  outrages  which  would  have  been  perpetrated  by  them  if 
they  had  succeeded  in  their  attempt  to  overthrow  the  Republic 
Government. 

"They,  who  know  the  Hawaiian  temper  and  disposition, 
understand  that  there  was  no  foundation  for  any  such  fears. 
The  behavior  of  the  rebels  to  those  foreigners  whom  they  cap- 
tured and  held  shows  that  there  was  no  malignancy  in  the 
hearts  of  the  Hawaiians  at  all.  It  would  have  been  sad  indeed 
if  the  doctrine  of  the  Christian  Missionary  Fathers,  taught  to 
my  people  by  them  and  those  who  succeeded  them,  should  have 
fallen  like  the  seed  in  the  parable  upon  barren  ground. 

"I  must  deny  your  right  to  try  me  in  the  manner  and  by 
the  Court  which  you  have  called  together  for  this  purpose.  In 


your  actions  you  violate  your  own  Constitution  and  laws,  which 
are  now  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the  land.  There  may  be 
in  your  consciences  a  warrant  for  your  action,  in  what  you  may 
deem  a  necessity  of  the  times,  but  you  cannot  find  any  such 
warrant  for  any  such  action  in  any  settled,  civilized  or  Christ- 
ian land.  All  who  uphold  you  in  this  unlawful  proceeding 
may  scorn  and  despise  my  word,  but  the  offense  of  breaking 
and  setting  aside  for  a  specific  purpose  the  laws  of  your  own 
nation  and  disregarding  all  justice  and  fairness  may  be  to  them 
and  to  you  the  source  of  an  unhappy  and  much  to  be  regretted 
legacy. 

"  I  would  ask  you  to  consider  that  your  government  is  on 
trial  before, the  whole  civilized  world,  and  that  in  accordance 
with  your  actions  and  decisions  will  you  yourselves  be  judged. 
The  happiness  and  prosperity  of  Hawaii  are  henceforth  in  your 
hands  alone  as  its  rulers.  You  are  commencing  a  new  era  in 
its  history.  May  the  Divine  Providence  grant  you  the  wisdom 
to  lead  the  nation  into  paths  of  forbearance,  forgiveness  and 
peace,  and  to  create  and  consolidate  a  united  people  ever~anxious 
to  advance  in  the  way  of  civilization  outlined  by  the  American 
fathers  of  liberty  and  religion. 

"In  concluding  my  statement  1  thank  you  for  the  courtesy 
you  have  shown  to  me,  not  as  your  former  Queen,  but  as  an 
humble  citizen  of  this  land  and  as  a  woman.  I  assure  you, 
who  faithfully  believe  that  you  are  fulfilling  a  public  duty, 
that  I  will  never  harbor  any  resentment  or  cherish  any  ill 
feeling  towards  you  whatever  may  be  your  decision." 


221 


At  the  opening  of  the  trial  on  Friday  morning,  Counsel 
Newmann  was  informed  by  the  Commission  that  the  following 
portions  of  his  client's  statement  must  be  stricken  out: 

"A  minority  of  the  foreign  population  made  my  action  the 
pretext  for  overthrowing  the  monarchy,  and,  aided  by  the 
United  States  naval  forces  and  representative  established  a  new 
government." 

"I  owed  no  allegiance  to  the  Provisional  Government  so 
established,  nor  to  any  power,  or  to  anyone  save  the  will  of  my 
people  and  the  welfare  of  my  country." 

"And  only  those  who  were  in  practical  rebellion  against  the 
constitutional  government." 

"All  who  uphold  you  in  this  unlawful  proceeding  may  scorn 
and  despise  my  word ;  but  the  offense  of  breaking  and  setting 
aside  for  a,  specific  purpose  the  laws  of  your  own  nation,  and 
disregarding  all  justice  and  fairness,  may  be  to  them  and  to 
you  the  source  of  an  unhappy  and  much  to  be  regretted  legacy." 

"The  United  States  having  first  interfered  in  the  interest  of 
those  founding  the  government  of  1893  upon  the  basis  of  revo- 
lution concluded  to  leave  to  the  Hawaiian  people  the  selection 
of  their  own  form  of  government." 

"  This  selection  was  anticipated  and  prevented  by  the  Provi- 
sional Government,  who,  being  possessed  of  the  military  and 
police  power  of  the  kingdom,  so  cramped  the  electoral  privileges 
that  no  free  expression  of  their  will  was  permitted  to  the  people 
who  were  opposed  to  them." 

Objection   was  made,  and   overruled,  to  any  section   being 


stricken  out  without  rejecting  the  whole  statement.  The  argu- 
ments of  the  counsel  for  defense  and  the  Judge-Advocate  occu- 
pied the  greater  part  of  the  closing  day  of  the  trial.  The 
argument  of  Captain  Kinney  was  one  of  the  master  efforts  of 
the  trial,  in  which  the  fallacies  of  the  ex-Queen's  statement 
were  pointed  out  and  the  evidence  of  a  desire  to  create  sympa- 
thy, on  account  of  alleged  injuries,  not  only  among  her  own 
people  but  among  the  citizens  of  foreign  countries.  The  trial 
closed  on  the  afternoon  of  February  7th,  and  the  ex-Queen  was 
returned  to  her  apartments  in  the  Executive  building  where 
she  remained  under  military  guard  until  allowed  to  return  to 
her  Washington  Place  resident  on  parole  pardon. 


CHAPTER   IV. 

LANDING    ARMS    AND   GENERAL    SCHEME    OF    REBEL    PLOT. 

On  December  3d,  1894,  Major  Win.  H.  Seward  returned  from 
San  Francisco  where  he  had  arranged  for  the  purchase  of  the 
arms  for  the  revolutionists  and  their  shipment  to  the  Islands  on 
the  schooner  H.  C.  Wahlberg  Capt.  Mathew  Martin  command- 
ing. Where  the  funds  for  the  purchase  of  the  arms  came  from 
was  not  brought  out  during  the  trials.  It  is  highly  probable 
that  the  money  was  obtained  by  an  assessment  on  the  members 
of  the  royalist  party  who  were  either  directly  or  indirectly 
interested  in  the  success  of  the  revolt. 

Immediately  after  the  arrival  of  Seward  arrangements  were 


222 


made  to  receive  and  conceal  the  arms  until  they  could  be  dis- 
tributed among  the  natives.  The  men  picked  to  take  charge  of 
the  natives  employed  in  this  work  were  George  Townsend  and 
Charlie  WaTren  a  native.  These  men  were  stationed  on  the 
windward  side  of  the  island  near  Makapuu  point.  The 
schooner  was  sighted  on  December  19th,  and  after  landing  the 
revolvers  and  a  portion  of  the  amunition  on  Rabbit  island, 
again  put  to  sea,  where  the  remainder  of  the  munitions  of  war 
were  to  be  transferred  to  the  steamer  Waimanalo,  Capt.  Davis 
commanding,  and  brought  into  the  harbor  of  Honolulu.  The 
revolvers  were  hurried  in  the  sands  on  Rabbit  island  and  later 
brought  to  Honolulu  by  natives  and  distributed  among  those 
who  were  to  take  part  in  the  uprising. 

Captain  Davis  was  engaged  by  W.  H.  Rickard  and  was 
promised  a  reward  of  $10,000,  if  the  arms  were  successfuly 
landed.  The  transfer  of  rifles  and  amunition  from  the  schooner 
to  the  Waimanalo  was  made  on  New  Years  day  some  twenty 
miles  off  Rabbit  island.  After  going  to  the  island  to  give  notice 
that  the  arms  had  been  secured,  the  steamer  put  to  sea,  and 
arrived  off  Diamond  Head  on  the  evening  of  the  second  of 
January.  W.  H.  Rickard  went  on  board,  and  the  steamer 
again  put  to  sea,  it  being  the  intention  to  land  the  arms  at 
points  along  the  water  front  of  Honolulu  and  begin  the  fight  on 
the  night  of  January  3d.  Arriving  again  off  Diamond  Head, 
the  evening  of  the  third,  word  was  sent  to  the  steamer  that  the 
men  gathered  at  Kakaako  to  receive  the  arms  had  been  dis- 
covered and  the  steamer  cargo  must  be  landed  near  Diamond 


Head.  This  was  accordingly  done,  and  the  arms  buried  in  the 
sand  on  the  beach  beyond  Diamond  Head. 

The  original  plan  of  attack  was  for  the  arms  to  be  landed  at 
Kakaako,  and  at  the  fish  market  both  places  being  on  the  city 
water  front.  The  fighting  was  to  begin  immediately.  White 
men  in  the  city  were  to  lead  the  natives,  capture  the  station 
house,  electric  light  station  and  telephone  offices,  establish  posts 
at  the  junction  of  the  streets  and  prevent  the  Citizens  Guard  and 
members  of  the  volunteer  companies  from  reaching  their  places 
of  rendezvous.  The  landing  on  the  water  front  having  been 
prevented,  the  time  for  the  attack  was  set  for  2  o'clock  Monday 
morning,  January  7th. 

Nowlein  was  to  march  upon  the  city  from  Waikiki;  simulta- 
neously with  his  movement,  bands  of  natives  led  by  whites  were 
to  come  in  from  other  points  in  the  outskirts,  and  these  parties 
were  to  be  joined  by  natives  and  white  royalists  living  in  the 
city,  and  combine  in  a  general  assault  upon  the  Government 
building.  The  surprise  of  Sunday  night  had  of  course  discon- 
certed the  leaders.  The  white  royalists  who  were  to  have  joined 
in  the  fight  kept  as  quiet  as  possible,  and  made  every  attempt 
to  clear  their  skirts  of  any  semblance  of  having  been  associated 
with  the  affair  in  any  way.  The  freedom  with  which  liquor 
was  dealt  out  to  the  natives,  the  lack  of  anything  approaching 
organization  in  their  ranks,  the  proposed  use  of  dynamite 
bombs,  and  the  ignorance  of  the  natives  of  the  use  of  fire  arms 
all  went  to  prove  that,  had  the  rebels  reached  the  city  before 
the  government  forces  were  able  to  rendezvous  the  morning  of 


223 


January  7th,  1895,  would  have  been  characterized  indiscrimi- 
nate slaughter  in  the  streets  of  Honolulu. 


CHAPTER   V. 

FORCIBLE    AND    VOLUNTARY    DEPORTATION    OF    EXILES. 

In  the  forcible  deportation  of  J.  Cranstoun,  A.  E.  Meuller 
and  J.  B.  Johnstone  on  Saturday,  February  2nd,  the  Govern- 
ment made  an  arbitrary  move  which  met  with  considerable 
adverse  criticism,  not  because  it  was  believed  that  the  character 
of  the  men  did  not  justify  the  act,  but  rather  on  account  of  the 
danger  of  serious  diplomatic  complications  arising  from  the  ex- 
pulsion from  the  country  without  trial.  The  three  men  had 
been  arrested  during  the  early  days  of  the  outbreak  for  being 
parties  to  the  plan  to  destroy  public  buildings  with  dynamite. 
Johnstone  had  been  in  the  employ  of  the  Government  as  a 
detective,  at  the  same  time  being  hand  in  glove  with  those 
interested  in  upsetting  the  Republic.  None  of  the  men  held 
any  considerable  amount  of  a  property  and  might  well  be  classed 
in  the  floating  population  of  the  country.  On  Friday  these 
prisoners  were  removed  from  the  prison  to  the  station  house, 
and  about  noon  Saturday  they  were  put  on  board  the  steamer 
Warrimoo  of  the  Canadian  Australian  line.  All  three  protested 
against  their  treatment  and  asked  to  see  their  national  repre- 
sentatives. Johnstone  was  of  English  birth,  Mueller,  German, 
and  Craustoun  claimed  to  be  an  American  citizen  by  naturali- 


zation. The  American  Minister  strove  to  impress  upon  the 
Government  officials  that  they  were  making  a  great  mistake  by 
their  arbitrary  action  but  under  advice  of  their  foreign  represen- 
tatives, the  German  and  Englishmen  were  inclined  to  accept  the 
inevitable.  The  officers  of  the  Government  remained  firm  and 
having  put  the  men  on  the  steamer  kept  them  there  guarded  by 
police  until  the  vessel  was  well  outside  the  harbor.  On  arrival 
in  British  Columbia,  the  exiles  brought  suit  for  damages  against 
the  steamship  line  for  conveying  them  out  of  the  country. 
The  cases  of  Cranstoun  and  Mueller  are  now  going  through  the 
usual  processes  of  law  in  the  court  of  Victoria,  B.  C.  John- 
stone's  claim  has  been  withdrawn  to  await  the  verdict  of  the 
court  in  the  cases  of  his  brother  exiles.  Claims  for  damages  . 
were  also  filed  with  the  home  Governments,  but  none  of  the 
latter  claims  have  been  pressed  up  to  the  present  time. 

The  position  of  the  Hawaiian  Government  in  the  deportation 
of  Cranstoun,  Mueller  and  Johnstone  is  defined  as  follows  in  a 
memorandum  of  the  law,  given  by  General  A.  S.  Hartwell  to 
William  A.  Kinney  who  was  retained  as  counsel  by  the 
Government: 

In  re  Cranstoun,  Muller  and  Johnstone,  exiled  from  the 
Hawaiian  Islands  by  order  of  President  Dole,  acting  as  Com- 
mander-in-chief of  the  national  forces  of  Hawaii,  during  the 
prevalence  of  martial  law  upon  the  Island  of  Oahu  of  the  Repub- 
lic of  Hawaii  upon  suspicion  based  upon  facts  known  to  the  Haw- 
aiian Government,  that  they  were  persons  dangerous  to  the  com- 
munity, and  implicated  in  the  rebellion  against  the  Government. 


224 


"The  facts  on  which  these  persons  were  considered  to  he  dan- 
gerous persons  and  implicated  in  the  rebellion,  can  be  shown 
by  affidavits.  Such  showing  removes  all  doubt  that  their 
expulsion  from  the  Hawaiian  Islands  was  based  upon  public 
reasons  and  not  from  any  malicious  motives. 

"  The  position  and  claim  of  the  Hawaiian  Government  is 
that  there  is  no  treaty  obligation  precluding  the  expulsion  from 
the  country  of  any  persons  of  any  nationality,  whenever  mar- 
tial law  is  in  force,  and  in  the  opinion  of  the  Government  such 
persons  have  violated  the  laws  of  the  Republic,  or  have  become 
implicated  in  any  plot,  conspiracy  or  treason  against  the  Gov- 
ernment. 

''  The  Government,  in  order  to  exercise  its  rights  under  mar- 
tial law  and  protect  the  community  in  times  of  actual  rebellion, 
is  not  required  to  try  and  condemn  such  persons  prior  to  their 
expulsion,  but  is  the  sole  judge,  not  only  of  the  necessity  or 
propriety  of  declaring  martial  law,  and  placing  the  country 
or  any  part  of  it  under  martial  law,  but  of  the  course  to  be 
taken  in  respect  of  persons  who  in  its  opinion  are  unsafe  per- 
sons to  be  allowed  to  remain  within  the  country." 

VOLUNTARY    EXILES. 

When  the  Military  Commission  had  completed  the  trial  of 
the  more  prominent  participants  in  the  rebellion,  the  desire  of 
many  citizens  of  the  Republic  to  have  severe  punishment  meted 
out  to  each  and  every  prisoner  began  to  cool.  Those  who  were 


calling  for  the  lives  of  the  rebels  at  the  outset  were  quite  satis- 
fied with  deportation,  light  imprisonment  or  unrestricted  release 
of  those  remaining.  Rather  than  continue  the  trials  until  all 
those  in  prison  had  been  dealt  with,  the  Government  gave  many 
of  the  prisoners  the  option  of  leaving  the  country  or  going  be- 
fore the  Commission.  Most  of  those  remaining  were  white  resi- 
dents to  whom  the  prison  life  was,  naturally  enough,  decidedly 
distasteful.  They  were  totally  in  the  dark  as  to  the  evidence 
which  the  Government  could  bring  in  at  the  trial,  and  rather 
than  run  the  chances  of  continued  imprisonment  a  good  pro- 
portion were  glad  to  escape  by  leaving  the  country.  Each  one 
accepting  this  option  signed  a  statement  similar  to  the  follow- 
ing, which  act,  British  Commissioner  Hawes  stated  to  the 
English  subjects  in  the  presence  of  the  Marshal,  "was  a  prac- 
tical admission  of  guilt :" 

"Whereas,  I, __,  am  now  held  in  confinement  for  complicity 

in  the  recent  insurrection  against  the  Hawaiian  Government,  and  have 
expressed  a  desire  to  leave  the  country  not  to  return,  provided  said 
Government  shall  in  its  clemency  consent  to  such  expatriation,  now, 
therefore  I,  the  said in  consideration  of  the  Hawaiian  Govern- 
ment, immediately  upon  being  released,  it  being  understood  and  agreed 
by  me  that  said  charge  is  no  wise  withdrawn  nor  in  any  sense  discon- 
tinued, do  hereby  agree  that  when  allowed  to  leave  the  custody  of  the 

Marshal,  I  shall  and  will  leave  the  Hawaiian  Islands  by  the 

leaving   Honolulu   for February ,  1895,  and  will  not 

return  during  my  life  time  without  the  written  consent  of  the  Minister  of 
Foreign  Affairs  or  other  officer  having  charge  of  said  department, 
approved  by  the  Marshal." 

The  men  who  took  this  option  were  as  follows  :  L.  J.  Levey, 
Fred.  Harrison,  George  Ritman,  John  C.  White,  P.  M.  Rooney, 
Fred.  H.  Redward,  Frank  Honeck,  Charles  Creigliton,  Arthur 


225 


White,  Arthur  McDowall,  A.  Carriane,  Fred.  W.  Wundenburg, 
Michael  Cole  Bailey,  C.  W.  Ashford,  C.  Klemme,  Harry  von 
Werthern,  John  Kadin,  James  Brown,  A.  P.  Peterson,  P.  G. 
Camarinos  and  Nichols  Peterson.  These  men  were  released 
about  a  week  before  their  departure  so  as  to  give  them  an 
opportunity  to  put  their  business  affairs  in  order.  The  first 
lot  of  eleven  went  to  San  Francisco  on  the  steamer  Australia, 
February  23,  and  the  others  followed  during  the  next  month, 
with  the  exception  of  one  or  two  whose  homes  were  in  Aus- 
tralia. 

Later  in  the  year  V.  V.  Ashford,  Louis  Marshal  and  W.  H. 
C.  Greig  who  had  been  sentenced  by  the  military  court  were 
released  from  prison  on  condition  that  they  leave  the  country. 
With  the  exception  of  these  three  together  with  C.  W.  Ashford, 
rranstoun,  Mueller  and  Jolmstone,  all  those  deported  were 
granted  leave  to  return  to  the  country  before  the  end  of  the 
yen  r. 


CHAPTER    VI. 

PARDON   OF   PRISONERS. 

It  was  hardly  two  months  after  the  Military  Commission 
held  its  final  session  when  a  movement  was  set  on  foot  to 
influence  the  President  and  his  advisers  to  exercise  their  pre- 
rogative and  grant  pardons  to  the  political  prisoners.  The 
plea  was  first  made  by  former  royalist  leaders  and,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  apparent  disposition  of  former  enemies  of  the 


Government  to  accept  the  political  situation,  received  not  a 
little  support  from  many  who  had  stood  by  the  Republic  from 
its  inception.  It  was  also  argued  that  such  a  course  would 
conciliate  the  native  population,  and  create  a  more  united 
people. 

The  quiet  condition  of  the  community  lent  force  to  the 
plea  for  clemency  and  on  the  Fourth  of  July,  1895,  almost  six 
months  after  the  fight  in  which  Charles  Carter  was  killed, 
forty-five  of  the  "rank  and  file"  of  the  natives  incarcerated 
in  consequence  of  their  connection  with  the  rebellion,  were 
granted  conditional  pardons.  Each  and  every  pardon  con- 
tained the  following  provisions:  "Such  sentence  is  suspended, 

and  the  said may  go  at  large,  subject  to  remand  upon 

the  order  of  the  President." 

On  the  same  day  the  sentences  of  the  leaders  were  com- 
muted as  follows:  W.  H.  C.  Greig,  from  twenty  to  fifteen  years; 
T.  B.  Walker,  thirty  to  fifteen  years;  Carl  Widemann,  thirty 
to  fifteen  years;  Louis  Marshall,  twenty  to  fifteen  years;  W. 
H.  Seward,  thirty  to  twenty  years;  W.  H.  Rickard,  thirty  to 
twenty  years;  R.  W.  Wilcox,  thirty  to  twenty  years;  and  C. 
T.  Gulick,  thirty  to  twenty  years. 

In  granting  these  pardons  members  of  the  Executive 
endeavored  to  impress  upon  those  who  had  been  released  that 
upon  their  good  behavior  after  obtaining  their  liberty  depended 
the  attitude  of  the  Government  toward  the  leaders  of  the 
revolt,  who  remained  in  prison. 


226 


It  was  not  many  weeks  after  this  first  act  of  clemency 
that  the  advocates  of  general  pardon  began  to  make  them- 
selves heard.  The  ieffect  abroad,  the  strength  of  the  Re- 
public, its  ability  to  maintain  itself  against  all  foes,  and  the 
conciliatory  effect  of  such  a  move  were  the  leading  arguments 
presented.  Those  who  opposed  the  general  pardon  held  that 
such  a  move  would  be  a  practical  admission  that  the  insur- 
rection itself,  the  "war"  for  its  suppression,  the  lengthy 
continuance  of  martial  law,  the  extended  sessions  of  the 
military  court  with  its  extreme  sentences  were  all  in  the 
nature  of  a  farce  and  would  place  the  officers  of  the  Govern- 
ment as  the  leading  lights  in  an  opera  bouffe. 

In  the  face  of  arguments  pro  and  con  the  Government  held 
to  its  original  policy  of  granting  conditional  pardons  accord- 
ing as  the  peaceful  condition  of  the  country  gave  evidence 
that  political  leaders  had  deserted  the  policy  of  attempting 
to  gain  their  ends  by  force  of  arms.  Accordingly  on  the  5th 
of  September  the  President  and  Cabinet  went  before  the 
Council  of  State  with  the  recommendation  that  conditional 
pardons  be  granted  ex-Queen  Liliuokalani,  Carl  Widemann, 
Prince  "Cupid"  and  forty-six  others.  The  recommendation 
received  the  sanction  of  the  Council  of  State,  and  on  Friday, 
September  7th,  the  prisoners  named  were  released.  In 
releasing  the  ex-Queen  the  Government  made  the  extra  con- 
dition that  she  reside  at  Washington  Place  and  not  change 
her  residence  without  permission  from  the  Government;  also 


that  she  attend  no  political  gatherings  nor  hold  political 
meetings  at  her  house.  Some  months  later  the  Government 
gave  the  ex-Queen  permission  to  reside  anywhere  on  the 
Island  of  Oahu  that  suited  her  pleasure. 

As  Thanksgiving  Day  approached  the  friends  of  the  re- 
maining prisoners  renewed  their  efforts  to  secure  the  release 
of  the  leaders  who 'of  all  those  sentenced  by  the  Military 
Commission  were  the  only  ones  remaining  within  the  prison 
walls.  Petitions  for  pardons  signed  by  Hawaiians  and  for- 
eigners were  placed  before  the  President  and  letters  were 
received  from  the  men  in  prison  in  which  they  admitted  their 
connection  with  the  rebellion,  expressed  regret  for  their 
political  mistakes  and  signified  their  willingness  to  take  the 
oath  to  the  Republic,  and  be  numbered  among  its  supporters. 
The  petitions  with  the  recommendations  of  the  Executive 
were  placed  before  the  Council  of  State  and  as  a  result,  on  the 
28th  of  November  W.  H.  Rickard,  T.  B.  Walker,  and  five 
natives  were  released  from  prison  upon  the  same  conditions 
as  previous  pardons  had  been  granted.  There  now  remained 
in  prison  but  eight  of  the  men  who  took  part,  directly  or 
otherwise,  in  the  revolt.  Among  this  number  were  R.  W. 
Wilcox,  C.  T.  Gulick,  W.  H.  Seward  and  J.  F.  Bowler. 

After  having  released  men  quite  as  seriously  implicated 
in  the  revolt  as  those  who  remained  in  prison,  the  people  of 
the  country  were  unanimously  in  favor  of  the  Government 
making  a  clean  sweep  and  allowing  all  the  prisoners  to  go 


227 


free.  The  Executive  waited,  however,  until  January  1,  1896, 
when  the  last  prisoners,  leaders  and  all,  who  had  been  sen- 
tenced by  the  Military  Court  were  released  from  prison  and 
allowed  to  go  and  come  at  their  pleasure  within  the  country, 
provided  they  kept  free  from  political  alliances  made  with  a 
view  to  attempting  the  overthrow  of  the  established 
Government.  « 

This  magnanimous  policy  of  the  Government  toward  its 
former  enemies  was  generally  applauded  abroad  and  was 
received  with  more  or  less  favor  at  home,  although  many  of 
the  staunch  supporters  of  the  Government  believed  it  the 
final  act  of  placing  the  stamp  of  farcial  procedure  upon  the 
work  of  the  Military  Commission.  As  to  the  good  or  evil  effects 
of  the  action  of  the  Government  upon  the  peculiar  political 
conditions  of  Hawaii,  time  alone  will  demonstrate.  If  void 
of  any  other  results,  this  action  and  the  fact  that  it  was 
sanctioned  by  a  good  proportion  of  the  men  who  shouldered 
guns  in  support  of  the  Government,  shows  with  what  readi- 
ness the  people  of  Hawaii  forget  political  differences  even 
though  those  differences  call  for  the  defense  of  principle  by 
resort  to  armed  force. 


CHAPTER    VII. 

DIPLOMATIC   COMPLICATIONS. 

Immediately  the  Military  Court  closed  its  sessions,  the  for- 


eigners who  had  been  arrested  during  martial  law  began  to 
lay  *plans  for  obtaining  indemnity  for  what  they  considered 
unjust  imprisonment.  Some  of  these  men  had  been  sentenced 
by  the  court  but  the  larger  proportion  of  claimants  was  among 
those  who  had  accepted  the  option  of  leaving  the  country  and 
still  others  who  had  been  arrested  during  the  early  days  of 
the  revolt  and  detained  in  prison  until  the  excited  condition 
of  the  community  had  subsided. 

The  enemies  of  the  Government  were  quite  jubilant  over 
the  prospect  for  a  time  as  it  was  believed  that  these  claims 
would  result  in  serious  diplomatic  complications  and  con- 
demning the  action  of  the  Republic  by  foreign  powers. 

The  first  claims  to  be  heard  from  by  the  Government  were 
those  of  W.  H.  Rickard  and  T.  B.  Walker.  These  men,  of 
British  birth,  gave  affidavits  that  they  had  not  become 
naturalized  citizens  of  Hawaii  notwithstanding  they  had  exer- 
cised full  rights  of  citizenship  and  held  public  office  under 
the  monarchy.  This  claim  was  regarded  by  Hawaiian  officials 
as  preposterous  and  upon  searching  the  records  it  was  found 
that  both  Walker  and  Rickard  had  taken  out  Hawaiian  letters 
of  naturalization.  These  facts  were  placed  before  the  British 
Government  and  early  in  August  British  Commissioner 
Hawes  informed  Minister  Hatch  that  the  British  Govern- 
ment recognized  the  claim  of  the  Republic  as  to  the  citizen- 
ship of  Rickard  and  Walker,  hence  the  British  Government 
had  no  interest  in  them. 


228 


At  the  request  of  the  British  Commissioner  his  Govern- 
ment had  been  supplied  with  the  evidence  taken  at  the  mili- 
tary trials.  Early  in  August  another  request  was  made  call- 
ing upon  the  Hawiian  Government  to  set  aside  the  verdict 
of  the  Military  Court  in  the  case  of  V.  V.  Ashford.  The 
British  Government  admitted  the  validity  of  the  court,  also 
that  the  trials  were  conducted  in  an  impartial  manner.  It 
was  held,  however,  that  Mr.  Ashford  had  been  convicted  upon 
the  evidence  of  an  accomplice,  hence  the  request.  The 
Hawaiian  Government  took  the  matter  under  advisement 
and  up  to  July  1,  1896,  it  was  still  a  subject  for  diplomatic 
correspondence. 

Of  those  claiming  the  protection  of  the  British  Government 
who  did  not  appear  before  the  Military  Court  the  following 
have  presented  claims  that  have  been  brought  to  the  attention 
of  the  Hawaiian  Government:  C.  W.  Ashford,  Fred  Harrison, 
G.  Carson  Kenyon,  Lewis  J.  Levey,  A.  McDowall,  F.  H. 
Redward,  W.  I.  Reynolds,  T.  W.  Rawlins,  E.  B.  Thomas,  M. 
C.  Bailey,  and  Charles  E.  Dunwell.  Of  other  nationalities, 
George  Lycurgus  and  P.  G.  Camarinos,  citizens  of  Greece, 
Edmund  Norrie,  -•&.  Dane,  Manoel  Gil  dos  Reis,  Portuguese. 
James  Durell  and  George  L.  Ritman,  Jr.,  Americans,  have 
lodged  claims  for  indemnity.  The  demands  of  the  Grecian 
Government  have  been  made  through  Great  Britain. 

The  first  case  to  be  urged  by  the  United  States  was  that 
of  James  Durrell,  an  American  negro  who  had  been  arrested 


for  endeavoring  to  incite  Portuguese  to  join  the  ranks  of  the 
insurgents.  As  a  result  of  Durrell's  application  to  his  Gov- 
ernment the  following  extraordinary  communication  was 
received  by  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs: 

Legation  of  the  United  States, 

Honolulu,  July  21,  1895. 
HON.  F.  M.  HATCH, 

Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs. 

Sir: — I  have  the  honor  to  enclose  herewith  a  copy  of  the 
affidavit  of  James  Durrell,  from  which  it  appears  Durrell  was 
born  in  the  State  of  Louisiana  in  1858,  and  resided  in  the 
United  States  until  September,  1894.  He  then  came  to  this 
city  and  obtained  temporary  employment  as  a  cook  at  the 
Arlington  Hotel.  On  November  8,  1894,  he  purchased  the 
lease  and  good-will  of  a  cigar  store,  soda  water  and  fruit 
stand,  and  gradually  built  up  a  lucrative  business.  On  the 
9th  of  January  last,  while  quietly  seated  in  his  store,  he  was 
arrested  without  explanation  or  information  of  any  charge 
against  him,  confined  in  jail  on  common  prison  fare  until 
the  27th  of  February  following,  a  period  of  seven  weeks,  and 
then  discharged  without  any  trial,  charges,  explanation  or 
opportunity  of  defense;  nor  has  he,  since  his  release,  been 
informed  of  the  cause  of  his  arrest. 

He  declares  that  he  has  never  by  word  or  deed  forfeited  his 
allegiance  to  or  right  of  protection  by  his  government;  that 
he  has  neither  done  nor  spoken  anything  directly  or  indirectly 


229 


against  the  Government  of  Hawaii  or  its  laws;  that  he  has 
never  expressed  sentiments  antagonistic  to  that  Government, 
or  in  any  manner  counselled,  encouraged,  aided  or  abetted 
its  enemies,  either  in  armed  rebellion  or  secret  plotting;  and 
that  he  never  possessed  any  information  which  under  exist- 
ing laws  it  was  his  duty  to  report  to  your  Government. 

These  statements  establish,  in  the  opinion  of  the  President 
of  the  United  States,  a  prima  facie  claim  for  substantial 
indemnity  from  the  Hawaiian  Government  to  Mr.  Durrell. 
I  am  instructed,  therefore,  to  bring  this  case  to  the  attention 
of  the  Hawaiian  authorities,  leaving  no  doubt  in  their  minds 
of  the  confidence  felt  in  Washington  ''that  the  Government 
of  Hawaii  will  not  refuse  to  tender  adequate  reparation  to 
this  injured  citizen  of  the  United  States,  nor  hesitate  to  take 
prompt  measures  to  exonerate  him  from  the  imputation  which 
this  arbitrary  treatment  has  left  upon  his  good  name." 

With  sentiments  of  high  esteem, 

I  am,  Sir,  very  respectfully, 

ALBERT  S.  WILLIS, 
E.  E.  &  M.  P.,  U.  S.  A. 

The  general  tenor  of  this  letter,  the  demand  being  made 
before  a  statement  from  the  Hawaiian  Government  had  been 
obtained  was  regarded  by  the  people  at  large  as  another  evi- 
dence of  President  Cleveland's  wholesome  dislike  for  the 
Republic.  The  Government,  however,  took  the  matter  under 


advisement,  made  a  thorough  investigation  in  order  to  ascer- 
tain the  strength  of  the  "prima  facie  claim"  and  the  case  is 
still  the  subject  of  diplomatic  correspondence.  In  fact  the 
evidence  taken  by  the  Government  in  all  the  cases  against 
those  who  lodged  claims,  has  been  forwarded  to  the  respective 
governments  that  have  taken  up  the  cause  of  their  injured 
citixens. 

Further  evidence  of  the  apparently  unfriendly  attitude  of 
the  United  States  was  found  in  the  release  of  the  schooner 
Wahlberg,  by  order  of  the  Secretary  of  State.  The  Hawaiian 
Government  held  that  the  act  of  this  American  ship  conveying 
the  arms  to  Hawaii  for  the  overthrow  of  the  Republic,  was  in 
direct  violation  of  neutrality  laws.  The  American  Govern- 
ment took  no  notice  of  the  claim  and  released  the  captain 
and  his  ship  from  custody,  notwithstanding  the  Hawaiian 
Government  had  sent  an  attorney  and  witnesses  to  San  Diego 
to  aid  the  prosecution  of  the  case. 

Great  Britain  has  pursued  a  less  abrupt  course,  except 
possibly  in  the  claim  that  the  verdict  in  the  case  of  V.  V. 
Ashford  should  be  set  aside.  The  correspondence  in  this  case 
has  not  been  made  public  although  it  is  generally  understood 
among  the  supporters  of  the  Government  that  the  executive 
officials  of  the  country  will  not  attempt  to  set  aside  the  action 
of  a  court  the  validity  of  whose  formation  and  subsequent 
action  has  been  accepted  by  Great  Britain  and  upheld  by  the 
unanimous  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  Hawaii. 


230 


The  validity  of  the  Military  Commission  was  brought  to 
test  before  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands  through 
habeas  corpus  proceedings  to  secure  the  release  of  J.  C. 
Kalanianole,  "Prince  Cupid,"  convicted  of  misprision  of 
treason  and  sentenced  to  one  year's  imprisonment  at  hard 
labor  and  to  pay  a  fine  of  one  thousand  dollars.  The  petition 
was  filed  May  20,  1895  and  the  case  was  argued  before  the 
full  bench,  Chief  Justice  Judd  and  Justices  Bickerton  and 
Frear,  at  the  special  May  Term.  Paul  Neumann  appeared 
for  the  petitioner  and  A.  S.  Hartwell  and  Lorrin  A.  Thurston 
for  respondent.  No  sufficient  ground  being  shown  foi  die  dis- 
charge of  the  petitioner  he  was  remanded  to  the  custody  of 
the  Government. 

The  briefs  of  counsel  together  with  the  decision  of  the  court 
by  Justice  Frear  have  been  published  in  book  form.  The 
syllabus  of  the  court  decision  is  given  as  follows: 

"Under  Article  31  of  the  Constitution,  which  provides  that 
the  President  may,  in  case  of  rebellion  or  invasion,  or  immi- 
nent danger  thereof,  place  the  whole  or  any  part  of  the  Re- 
public under  martial  law,  the  President  alone  is  to  decide 
whether  the  exigency  is  such  as  to  require  martial  law,  and 
how  long  martial  law  when  proclaimed  shall  continue  in  force; 
and  his  decision  is  not  subject  to  review  by  the  courts. 

"Under  martial  law,  in  case  of  insurrection,  the  military 
commander  may  do  whatever,  in  accordance  with  the  customs 


and  usages  of  war,  he  may  deem  necessary  or  proper  for  the 
suppression  of  the  insurrection  and  the  restoration  of  peace, 
and  his  acts  cannot  be  called  in  question  by  the  courts  except 
in  case  of  an  abuse  of  power. 

"Under  martial  law,  if  necessary,  in  the  opinion  of  the  mili- 
tary commander,  for  the  restoration  of  peace,  a  civilian  may 
be  tried  by  a  military  commission  for  misprision  of  treason. 

"Such  trial  may  take  place  after  actual  hostilities  have 
ceased  and  while  the  civil  courts  are  in  session,  if  there  is  still 
a  state  of  war,  and  an  impediment  to  such  trials  in  the  civil 
courts. 

"Misprision  of  treason,  if  committed,  is  not  necessarily  com- 
pleted before  an  actual  outbreak  or  the  proclamation  of 
martial  law. 

"Notwithstanding  a  reservation  in  a  proclamation  of  martial 
law  that  the  civil  courts  would  continue  to  conduct  ordinary 
business,  a  person  may,  if  necessary  in  the  opinion  of  the 
President,  be  tried  by  a  military  commission. 

"The  President  may  delegate  to  a  Judge  Advocate  the  power 
to  bring  a  person  before  a  military  commission  for  trial." 

Shortly  after  the  close  of  the  Military  Commission's  work 
the  Executive  and  Advisory  Councils  passed  an  Indemnity 
Act  and  other  laws  relating  to  judicial  investigation  of  claims 
against  the  government,  sedition  and  to  "persons  having  cer- 
tain lawless  intentions."  These  were  passed  without  a  dis- 
senting vote  and  were  duly  signed  by  the  President. 


231 


REVIEW. 


To  the  future  historian  the  revolt  of  18!)5  will  mark  the 
final  test  in  the  crucial  stage  of  the  Hawaiian  Republic. 
Among  the  citizens  of  larger  and  more  powerful  nations  the 
few  days  of  actual  fighting  and  the  small  number  killed  and 
wounded  would  possibly  lead  to  the  conclusion  that  the  whole 
affair  might  be  summed  up  in  the  expression  "Much  ado  about 
nothing."  But  notwithstanding  the  conclusions  which  may 
be  drawn  by  those  unacquainted  with  the  conditions  of  the 
country,  the  revolt  of  1895  marks  the  downfall  of  all  hopes 
for  the  restoration  of  a  monarchy  and  established  the  ability 
of  the  Republic  to  maintain  itself  against  even  the  armed 


opposition  of  men  whose  disgruntled  leaders  had  played  upon 
a  misguided  sympathy.  While  it  had  been  hoped  that  civil 
strife  would  be  avoided  in  the  Hawaiian  Republic,  fate 
seemed  to  declare  that  the  lesson  was  necessary.  It  was  the 
storm  that  cleared  the  political  air.  The  misguided  ones  tested 
the  strength  of  republican  support  and  found  no  weakness  and 
on  the  other  hand  they  had  demonstrated  to  them  the  utter 
lack  of  true  patriotism  among  those  who  had  urged  them  on  to 
take  up  arms.  Today  the  body  politic  stands  a  united  people 
with  complete  confidence  in  and  loyalty  to  those  in  whose  pow- 
er has  been  placed  the  administration  of  the  laws  of  the  land. 


232 


H.    HACKFELD   &    COMPANY. 

The  firm  of  H.  Hackfeld  &  Co.  was  established  on  October  1,  1849, 
by  Captain  Henry  Hackfeld,  a  German,  who  had  previously  been 
trading  between  Honolulu  and  Mexico,  South  America  and  China, 
and  had  become  favorably  impressed  by  the  Islands.  He  brought  with 
him  his  young  wife  and  his  brother-in-law,  Mr.  J.  C.  Pfluegjer,  then 
16  years  old,  and  started  a  small  store  on  Queen  street,  near  the  old 
store  of  J.  T.  Waterhouse.  In  1853  Mr.  Hackfeld  admittted  his 
brother-in-law  as  partner  of  the  firm,  and  the  business  having  been 
successful,  larger  quarters  were  secured  in  the  store  owned  by 
Dr.  R.  W.  Wood,  now  the  crockery  store  of  Mr.  J.  T.  Waterhouse. 
The  firm  had  a  large  share  of  the  whaling  business,  which  was  then 
at  its  best.  In  1861  Mr.  Hackfeld  returned  to  Germany  to  attend  to 
the  interests  of  the  firm  in  Europe,  where  he  died  on  October  20,  1887, 
being  71  years  old.  Mr.  Pflueger  became  sole  manager  in  Honolulu  in 
1861,  and  he  succceeded  in  bringing  the  firm  to  the  foremost  rank 
on  the  Islands.  They  imported  largely  dry  goods  and  other  merchan- 
dise in  their  own  vesssels,  viz.,  A.  J.  Pope,  R.  W.  Wood,  R.  C.  Wyllie, 
Kaenoi,  lolani,  C.  R.  Bishop,  etc.  They  also  were  agents  for  the  oldest 
sugar  plantations  on  the  Islands,  and  had  the  business  of  the  first 
steamers  running  between  San  Francisco,  Honolulu  and  Australia. 

In  1871  Mr.  Pflueger  left  for  Germany,  where  he  died  on  October  5, 


1883,  being  only  50  years  old,  and  after  having  made  two  visits  to 
Honolulu,  viz.,  in  1874  and  1881. 

From  1871  to  1881  Messrs.  J.  C.  Glade,  E.  Feirstenau,  and  later  on 
H.  W.  Schmidt  had  charge  of  the  firm's  business,  which  in  1875  was 
transferred  to  the  old  Court  House  premises. 

After  the  beginning  of  the  Reciprocity  Treaty  the  firm  assisted 
greatly  by  its  financial  aid  in  the  establishment  of  the  following  new 
sugar  plantations,  viz.:  Waianae  Co.,  Waimanalo  Sugar  Co.,  Kilauea 
Sugar  Co.,  Kekaha  Sugar  Co.  and  Plantations,  Kipahulu  Sugar  Co., 
Kukaiau  Plantation  Co.  and  Ookala  Sugar  Plantation  Co.  In  1881 
Messrs.  H.  Hackfeld,  J.  C.  Pflueger  and  J.  C.  Glade  became  silent 
partners  with  limited  liability,  and  Messrs.  Paul  Isenberg,  H.  F.  Glade 
and  J.  F.  Hackfeld  (a  nephew  of  H.  Hackfeld)  entered  the  firm.  In 
1886  Mr.  E.  Muller  was  admitted  into  the  firm,  but  he  retired  again 
in  1890.  Mr.  H.  W.  Schmidt  (now  Senator  for  Honolulu)  left  the  firm 
in  1889,  in  order  to  establish  his  own  business  under  the  well  known 
firm  of  H.  W.  Schmidt  &  Sons,  and  In  1894  Mr.  H.  F.  Glade  retired 
and  returned  to  Germany,  leaving  Mr.  Paul  Isenberg,  now  residing  in 
Bremen,  and  Mr.  H.  Hackfeld,  now  manager  of  the  firm  in  Honolulu, 
as  general  partners. 

The  firm,  in  connection  with  their  agents  in  Bremen,  Messrs.  J.  C 
Pflueger  &  Co.  (J.  C.  Pfleuger,  Jr.,  and  C.  Henoch,  Jr.),  are  still  running 
their  own  vessels  between  Bremen  and  Liverpool  and  Honolulu.  The 


233 


same  are  known  as  the  barks  H.  Hackfeld,  J.  C.  Pflueger,  Paul  Isenberg, 
J.  C.  Glade,  and  ships  Marie  Hackfeld  and  H.  F.  Glade. 

They  are  agents  for  the  Pacific  Mail  Steamship  Company  and 
Occidental  and  Oriental  Steamship  Company,  whose  steamers  are  now 
making  semi-monthly  calls  at  Honolulu  between  San  Francisco 
and  Japan  and  China,  and  the  firm  is  also  agents  for  the  following 
sugar  plantations:  Lihue  Plantation  Co.,  Koloa  Sugar  Co.,  Grove  Farm 
Plantation,  Hanamaulu  Sugar  Plantation,  Kekaha  Sugar  Company, 
Meier-Kruse,  H.  P.  Faye  Co.,  Pioneer  Mill  Co.,  Kipahulu  Sugar  Co., 
and  Kukaiau  Plantation  Co. 

In  1890,  at  the  instigation  of  Hon.  Geo.  N.  Wilcox,  the  firm  identified 
itself  with  a  guano  enterprise  on  Layson  Island,  now  known  as  the 
Pacific  Guano  and  Fertilizer  Co.  This  corporation  erected  large  fer- 
tilizer and  acid  works  at  Kalihi  in  1893  and  1894,  the  capacity  of  which 
is  now  being  doubled,  owing  to  the  increased  demand  for  artificial 
fertilizers  on  the  Islands. 

The  firm  has  always  held  the  German  and  Russian  Consulates,  Mr. 
J.  W.  Pflueger  (a  brother  of  J.  C.  Pflueger)  being  Russian  Vice  Consul 
at  Honolulu  from  1871  to  1883. 

The  following  gentlemen  are  now  special  partners  of  the  firm: 
Mr.  J.  C.  Glade,  residing  at  Wiesbaden;  Mr.  J.  W.  Pflueger,  residing  at 
Bremen;  Mr.  J.  C.  Pflueger,  residing  at  Bremen;  Prof.  H.  H.  Pflueger, 
residing  at  Bonn. 


HAWAIIAN    FERTILIZING   COMPANY. 

The  Hawaiian  Fertilizing  Company  was  organized  by  the  present 
proprietor  and  manager,  A.  Frank  Cooke,  in  1888,  and  has  grown  from 
a  struggling  enterprise,  furnishing  to  plantations  two  thousand  tons 
of  stable  manure  annually,  to  one  of  the  largest  fertilizing  works  on 
the  Islands,  the  grounds  and  buildings  covering  nearly  five  acres  of 
land  at  Iwelei.  It  is  solely  through  the  energy  displayed  by  Mr.  Cooke 
that  the  company  is  In  its  present  prosperous  condition.  When  he 


conceived  the  plan  of  supplying  plantations  with  fertilizers  he  engaged 
the  old  bone  mill  at  Kalihi  Kai,  formerly  owned  by  G.  J.  Waller,  the 
present  manager  of  the  Metropolitan  Meat  Co.  But  by  economy  and 
rare  managerial  ability  the  business  soon  outgrew  the  accommodations 
and  facilities  to  supply  the  demand  made  upon  it.  Land  was  leased 
at  Iwelei  and  the  company,  yielding  to  the  pressure  brought  by  a 
growing  clientelle,  the  lines  were  extended  until  Mr.  Cooke  found  it 
advisable  to  purchase  the  valuable  tract  where  the  works  are  now 
situated. 

Being  essentially  a  home  industry,  it  has  supplied  a  revenue  to 
Hawaiians,  engaged  by  the  company  as  bone  gatherers,  all  over  the 
Islands.  Its  present  condition  and  output  is  evidence  of  the  quality 
of  the  product.  Besides  consuming  yearly  hundreds  of  tons  of  bones 
gathered  here,  the  company  was  ttie  first  among  the  largest  importers 
of  nitrates  and  phosphates  in  the  country. 

It  has  business  connections  in  the  United  States,  Europe  and  South 
America,  who  supply  the  home  factory  with  the  highest  grade  fertil- 
izers for  compounding  purposes.  From  the  United  States  and  Germany 
sulphate  of  ammonia,  double  super-phosphates  and  potash  is  secured, 
while  the  nitrates  used  are  from  the  famous  banks  in  Chili.  Of  the 
double  super-phosphates,  they  carry  phosphoric  acid  to  the  extent  of 
thirty-five  or  forty  per  cent.,  soluble  in  water,  and  are  the  highest 
grades  imported  to  this  country. 

The  wonderful  Natural  Plant  Food,  a  product  of  Florida,  U.  S.  A.,  is 
also  imported  by  the  company  in  large  quantities  and  treated  with 
chemicals,  so  that  excellent  results  are  obtained.  These  fertilizers, 
and  they  have  no  superior  anywhere,  are  sold  by  the  Hawaiian 
Fertilizing  Co.  at  prices  ranging  to  25  per  cent,  less  than  that  of  other 
manufacturers.  This  is  made  possible  by  Mr.  Cooke  from  the  fact 
that  the  consumer  is  not  called  upon  to  contribute  toward  the  expense 
of  maintaining  high  salaried  employes.  The  company  owns  in  fee 
simple  everything,  in  connection  with  the  works,  and  careful  buying, 
without  having  to  pay  agents'  commissions,  is  a  leading  factor  in 
obtaining  this  result. 


234 


Since  the  establishment  of  the  Experiment  Station,  analysis  of  soil 
is  made  and  the  strength  and  character  of  fertilizers  required  for 
districts  throughout  the  Islands  is  obtainable.  Orders  for  fertilizers 
mailed  to  the  Hawaiian  Fertilizing  Co.,  with  copies  of  such  analysis, 
will  be  promptly  and  satisfactorily  filled. 

All  communications  should  be  addressed  to 

A.  F.  COOKE, 
Proprietor   and   Manager,   Honolulu,   H.    I. 


E.  O.  HALL  &  SON,  LIMITED. 

The  business  of  E.  O.  Hall  &  Son,  Limited,  was  commenced  in  1852, 
under  the  firm  name  of  E.  O.  Hall,  at  the  corner  of  Fort  and  King 
streets,  Honolulu,  the  site  still  occupied  by  the  firm. 

For  over  a  year  after  starting,  the  business  was  under  the  personal 
charge  of  Mr.  T.  L.  Leyman,  a  half-brother  to  E.  O.  Hall,  who  at  that 
time  was  editing  the  Polonesian  newspaper. 

In  these  early  years  most  of  the  customers  were  natives,  and  besides 
hardware  the  stock  consisted  of  dry  goods  of  all  kinds  and  quite  an 
assortment  of  groceries.  In  1859  William  W.  Hall  entered  the  employ 
of  the  firm  as  clerk,  and  became  partner  with  his  father  in  1865,  when 
the  name  of  the  firm  was  changed  to  E.  O.  Hall  &  Son. 

The  firm  continued  to  deal  in  hardware,  agricultural  implements, 
dry  goods,  leather,  paints  and  oils,  silver-plated  ware,  wooden  ware, 
tools  of  all  kinds,  kerosene  oil,  etc.,  until  about  the  year  1878,  when 
dry  goods  were  dropped,  except  a  few  staple  articles. 

In  1880  "Mr.  E.  Oscar  White,  a  grandson  of  E.  O.  Hall,  became  an 
employe  of  the  firm.  In  1883  the  business  was  incorporated,  and 
during  that  same  year  Edwin  O.  Hall,  the  founder  of,  the  business,  died 
while  on  a  visit  to  the  United  States. 

About  ten  years  ago  the  company  put  in  stock  a  complete  line  of 
ship  chandlery,  and  this  has  become  one  of  the  principal  features  of 


the  business.    This  includes  a  large  assortment  of  manila   rope  and 
iron  and  steel  wire  rope  of  all  sizes  up  to  four  inches. 

The  capital  stock  of  the  corporation  is  $150,000.  The  following  are 
the  officers  of  the  corporation,  who  also  constitute  the  Board  of 
Directors:  William  W.  Hall,  President  and  Manager;  E.  Oscar  White, 
Secretary  and  Treasurer;  William  F.  Allen,  Auditor;  T.  May  and  T.  W. 
Hobron,  Directors. 


OAHU    RAILWAY   AND   LAND   COMPANY. 

This  Company  is  now  running  trains  to  Waianae,  33%  miles  from 
Honolulu,  the  new  Extension  of  fifteen  miles  beyond  Ewa  Plantation 
having  been  completed  July  1,  1895.  The  equipment  of  the  road  is 
first-class  in  every  particular.  Excursion  rates  are  maintained  from 
Saturday  morning  till  Monday  of  each  week.  A  first-class  hotel  is 
in  course  of  erection  at  Waianae,  and  will  afford  unequalled  bathing 
facilities.  A  delightful  ride  through  varied  and  unsurpassed  scenery, 
a  day  of  rest  and  pleasure  at  Waianae,  make  an  excursion  on  the  Oahu 
Railway  one  of  the  most  attractive  features  of  the  Islands,  not  only  to 
tourists,  but  to  residents  of  Honolulu  as  well. 

Pearl  City,  located  on  the  famous  Pearl  Harbor,  the  proposed  naval 
and  coaling  station  of  the  United  States,  has  been,  laid  out  in  streets, 
provided  with  a  complete  system  of  water  works,  picnic  grounds, 
dancing  pavilion,  boat  houses,  etc.  Over  $100,000  in  lots  have  been 
sold  to  150  different  purchasers,  and  a  number  of  residences  erected; 
a  few  very  desirable  lots  may  yet  be  had  on  very  reasonable  terms. 
With  a  perfect  climate  and  the  pure  air  from  mountain  and  sea,  no 
other  spot  on  earth  can  equal  this  as  a  health  resort.  Dr.  P.  S.  Kellogg, 
of  Battle  Creek,  Mich.,  says  of  this  locality  in  a  recent  letter:  "When 
we  had  reached  a  height  of  1,000  feet,  we  could  observe  a  marked 
difference  in  the  atmosphere;  so  cool,  pure  and  bracing  was  it  that  we 
were  impressed  with  the  thought  that  here,  removed  from  the  con- 


235 


laminating  influences  of  unsanitary  surroundings,   was  an  ideal   spot 
for  the  invalid  to  find  rest  for  body  and  mind." 

LANDS.  This  Company  controls  over  80,000  acres  of  valuable  land. 
Since  its  organization  in  1888,  it  has  promoted  two  extensive  sug.ar 
plantations  representing  a  cash  capital  invested  of  over  $2,000,000. 
This,  together  with  the  development  of  promising  fruit,  coffee  and 
canaigre  industries,  is  evidence  of  its  enterprise  and  transforming  in- 
fluence on  the  Island  of  Oahu.  A  third  sugar  plantation  on  an  exten- 
sive scale  is  projected,  and  there  are  many  opportunities  for  smaller 
industries  along  the  line  of  road.  The  proposed  extension  to  Kahuku, 
53  miles  beyond  the  present  terminus,  will  reach  another  large  area  of 
magnificent  sugar,  rice  and  coffee  lands;  the  road  has  been  on  a 
paying  basis  since  it  was  built,  and  as  it  is  further  extended  will  be 
a  blessing  to  every  one  interested,  directly  or  indirectly,  in  this  Island. 
G.  P.  Denison,  Superintendent,  B.  F.  Dillingham,  General  Manager. 


CASTLE    &    COOKE. 

The  firm  of  Castle  &  Cooke  was  formed  in  1851  by  Samuel  N.  Castle 
and  Amos  S.  Cooke. 

Samuel  Northrup  Castle,  senior  partner,  was  born  in  Cazenovia,  N. 
Y.,  August  12th,  1808,  was  cashier  before  coming  to  the  Islands  in  a 
Cleveland,  Ohio  bank.  He  accepted  in  1836  the  position  of  financial 
agent  of  the  American  Board  of  Missions  for  the  Islands  and  landed 
here  April  9,  1837.  He  remained  as  such  agent  until  1865.  In  1851 
he  formed  with  Amos  S.  Cooke  the  mercantile  firm  of  Castle  &  Cooke 
and  continued  his  relationship  until  his  death,  July  14,  1894,  at  the 
age  of  86  years, 

Amos  Starr  Cooke  was  born  in  Danbury,  Conn.,  in  1810.  As  a  young 
man  he  served  several  years  as  a  bookkeeper  with  a  large  wholesale 
firm  in  New  York.  In  1836  he  accepted  an  appointment  as  teacher 
for  the  Sandwich  Islands  Mission  from  the  American  Board  and  landed 
in  Honolulu  April  9,  1837.  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Cooke  became  the  principals 


Of  the  school  for  the  young  chiefs  which  position  they  held  until  about 
1851  when  Mr.  Cooke  associated  himself  with  Mr.  S.  N.  Castle  and 
formed  the  firm  of  Castle  &  Cooke.  Mr.  Cooke  on  account  of  failing 
health  withdrew  from  active  business  in  1863,  although  his  interest 
continued  until  purchased  by  his  son  in  1871. 

J.  B.  Atherton  was  born  in  Boston  Nov.  9th,  1837,  received  his  edu- 
cation there,  was  three  years  as  clerk  in  a  wholesale  commission  house 
before  coming  to  Honolulu,  arriving  here  in  December,  1858,  by  the  ship 
"Syren."  In  March,  1859  he  became  a  clerk  for  Castle  &  Cooke  and 
January  1st,  1863,  became  a  partner,  remaining  as  such  until  the 
closing  up  of  the  firm  in  1894,  and  was  then  elected  President  and 
Manager  of  the  corporation,  Castle  &  Cooke,  Limited,  which  position  he 
still  holds. 

Joseph  Platt  Cooke,  eldest  son  of  Amos  S.  Cooke,  was  born  in  Hono- 
lulu June  15,  1838,  was  educated  at  Punahou  and  Yale  College,  gradu- 
ating from  the  latter  in  1863.  Mr.  Cooke  returned  at  once  to  Honolulu 
and  took  his  father's  place  with  the  firm  of  Castle  &  Cooke.  After 
the  death  of  Mr.  Cooke,  senior,  in  1871,  his  son  purchased  his  interest 
in  the  firm  and  remained  such  until  his  death  in  1879. 

George  P.  Castle,  third  son  of  S.  N.  Castle,  was  born  in  Honolulu 
April  29,  1851,  was  educated  at  Punahou  and  Ann  Arbor,  Michigan. 
He  returned  to  Honolulu  in  1874,  when  he  became  a  clerk  with  Castle 
&  Cooke,  remaining  such  until  1882  when  he  purchased  a  portion  of 
his  father's  interest  and  became  a  partner,  remaining  such  until  the 
closing  up  of  the  firm  and  its  incorporation  as  Castle  &  Cooke,  Limited, 
when  he  was  elected  Vice-President,  which  position  he  now  holds. 

Wm.  A.  Bowen,  nephew  of  S.  N.  Castle,  was  born  in  York,  Ohio, 
March  17,  1853,  was  educated  at  Obeilin  College  and  came  to  Honolulu, 
arriving  July  16,  1878,  at  which  time  he  became  bookkeeper  for  Castle 
&  Cooke.  In  1888  he  purchased  an  interest  in  the  firm  and  remained 
a  partner  until  the  incorporation  of  the  firm  into  Castle  &  Cooke, 
Limited,  when  he  was  elected  Treasurer,  which  position  he  still  holds. 

Edward  D.  Tenney,  nephew  of  S.  N.  Castle,  was  born  in  Plainfield, 
N.  Y.,  January  26th,  1859;  was  educated  there  and  in  Janesville  Ohio; 


236 


came  to  the  Islands  in  1877  spending  the  first  few  years  in  cane  culti- 
vation at  Papaikou,  Hawaii.  In  1880  he  came  to  Honolulu  and  became 
a  clerk  with  Castle  &  Cooke,  remaining  such  until  1889  when  he  pur- 
chased an  interest  in  the  firm.  In  1894  when  the  firm  became  incor- 
porated he  was  elected  Secretary  of  Castle  &  Cooke,  Limited,  and 
remains  such  at  this  time. 


THE   PACIFIC   HARDWARE   COMPANY. 

The  Pacific  Hardware  Company,  a  limited  corporation,  holds  the  dis- 
tinction of  possessing  the  oldest  hardware  store  west  of  the  Rocky 
Mountains,  having  been  first  started  by  Henry  Dimond  in  1849.  Later 
the  business  was  carried  on  by  Hall  &  Dimond  and  in  1869  passed  into 
the  hands  of  Dillingham  &  Co.  The  firm  was  made  up  of  B.  F.  Dilling- 
ham  and  Alfred  Castle.  Mr.  Castle,  being  at  the  time  Registrar  of 
Public  Accounts,  was  not  an  active  member,  and  upon  Mr.  Dillingham 
devolved  the  management  of  the  business.  This  partnership  continued 
for  five  years,  and  about  the  time  of  its  expiration  Mr.  Castle  died. 
Mr.  Dillingham  continued  the  business,  however,  in  his  own  interest 
and  that  of  his  late  partner's  estate  until  1884,  when  the  concern  was 
incorporated  under  the  name  of  the  Pacific  Hardware  Company.  In 
1880  James  G.  Spencer  became  a  member  of  the  firm.  Since  1884  Mr. 
Dillingham  has  been  President  of  the  Company. 

The  elegant  brick  structure  of  the  Pacific  Hardware  Company  on 
Fort  street  is  unquestionably  one  of  the  handsomest  business  stores 
in  Honolulu,  and  was  erected  especially  for  their  use.  In  addition  to 
the  large  stock  of  hardware  here  carried,  they  also  have  a  choice 
collection  of  art  goods,  a  separate  room  for  the  exhibition  of  which 
is  set  apart  in  the  upper  portion  of  the  building.  The  two  stories  of 
the  building,  are  occupied  by  this  company,  a  broad  and  ornamental 
staircase  connecting  the  two.  The  salesrooms  are  commodious  and 
ample  in  size,  being  about  75  by  100  feet  in  dimensions. 


A  handsome  stock  of  the  many  articles  used  in  home  decorations 
is  also  carried,  as  well  as  a  full  line  of  plantation  supplies.. 

The  present  officers  of  the  company  are  President,  B.  F.  Dillingham; 
Secretary,  Jas.  G.  Spencer;  Treasurer,  G.  S.  Harris,  Jr.;  Auditor,  W.  F. 
Allen. 


THE    HAWAIIAN    ELECTRIC    COMPANY. 

The  Hawaiian  Electric  Company  was  the  pioneer  electric  lighting 
and  supply  company  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands,  to  be  organized  by 
private  citizens.  The  enterprise  was  first  started  by  E.  O.  Hall  & 
Sons,  being  incorporated  in  January,  1893,  with  a  capital  stock  of 
$20,000.  The  capital  stock  has  since  been  raised  to  $250,000.  The 
present  officers  of  the  company  are  President,  W.  G.  Irwin;  Vice-Presi- 
dent, J.  A.  Hopper;  Treasurer,  Godfrey  Brown;  Secretary,  W.  M.  Giffard; 
Auditor,  J.  F.  Hackfeld.  The  works  of  the  company  occupy  a  brick 
building  100  ft.  by  100  ft.  at  the  corner  of  Alakea  and  Haleknniln  streets 
to  which  has  also  been  attached  the  large  cold  storage  building.  Steam 
power  is  used  entirely,  there  being  two  150  horse  power  tubular  boilers 
and  one  350  horse  power  Hine  safety  boiler.  There  are  three  engines 
of  100,  300  and  350  horse  power  respectively,  and  four  dynamos  supply 
electricity  for  the  system  of  6,000  incandescent  and  arc  lights  and 
motors  used  in  different  business  houses  about  town.  The  manage- 
ment of  the  company's  works  is  in  the  hands  of  Theo.  Hoffman,  a 
practical  electrician  who  has  held  the  position  since  Sept.  1,  1894.  W. 
F.  Warriner  is  first  superintendent.  In  the  spring  of  1896  an  ice  manu- 
facturing plant  was  added,  also  a  cold  storage  building,  with  a  capacity 
of  100,000  cubic  feet.  The  ice  plant  manufactures  all  the  ice  used  in 
the  city  of  Honolulu.  The  refrigerating  engine  is  a  Frick  compound 
Corliss  type  of  100  horse  power,  run  with  compound  condensers.  The 
water  before  made  into  ice  is  reboiled  twice  and  filtered  five  times. 
The  cold  storage  plant  is  divided  into  fifteen  rooms  with  temperature 


237 


varying  from  10  deg.  to  42  deg.  Far.  Meat  markets,  grocers,  fruit  and 
liquor  dealers  of  the  city  have  already  taken  up  nearly  all  the  available 
space  of  the  plant.  The  building  is  two  stories  with  all  the  latest 
fittings  as  electric  elevators,  electric  lights  through  all  the  rooms,  over- 
head tracks  in  the  large  meat  rooms,  etc.,  etc.  In  the  electrical  de- 
partment the  company  keeps  a  large  stock  of  electrical  fittings  and  is 
prepared  to  install  electric  plants  and  supply  all  the  necessary  fittings 
for  house  lighting. 


M.  W.   McCHESNEY  &  SONS. 


Company,  which  has  lately  established  a  large  canning  factory  for 
canning  pineapples  and  other  fruit  products  of  the  country.  The  firm 
has  also  figured  prominently  as  the  pioneers  in  the  sale  of  Island  coffee. 
Although  Hawaii  is  a  coffee  producing  country,  many  of  the  wholesale 
and  retail  houses  had  supplied  their  trade  with  imported  material 
when  the  berry  was  growing  on  the  hillsides  of  their  own  country. 
Although  the  coffee  product  is  yet  rather  small,  McChesney  &  Sons 
took  what  there  was  and  prepared  it  for  the  market,  finding  ready  pur- 
chasers. The  guardian  spirit  of  this  firm  may  well  be  said  to  be  home 
manufacture.  The  men  who  compose  the  firm  are  highly  respected, 
active  business  men  who  have  been  prominent  in  politics  as  well  as 
business  circles. 


This  firm  was  established  in  1879  by  Matthew  Wats6n  McChesney 
who  came  to  the  Islands  from  New  York  State.  Mr.  McChesney  was 
a  tanner  by  trade  and  established  a  small  tannery  in  connection  with 
a  grocery  store  the  goods  for  which  he  brought  out  on  his  first  trip. 
The  following  year  his  two  sons  H.  N.  and  R.  W.  McChesney  came  to 
the  country  and  conducted  the  grocery  business  which  had  grown 
sufficiently  to  require  more  assistance.  The  founder  of  the  firm  died 
in  1888  at  the  age  of  83  years.  At  this  time  H.  N.  McChesney  sold 
out  his  interest  and  the  firm  was  conducted  by  J.  M.,  F.  W.  and  R.  W. 
McChesney.  During  the  ten  years  that*  had  elapsed  the  grocery  de- 
partment had  developed  a  large  wholesale  trade  throughout  the 
Islands  and  the  tannery  had  also  been  enlarged  to  meet  the  demands 
of  the  increasing  business  of  the  country.  In  1881,  the  Honolulu  Soap 
Works  was  added  to  the  enterprises  in  which  the  firm  of  McChesney 
&  Sons  were  the  prime  movers.  These  works,  started  in  a  small  way, 
have  constantly  enlarged  and  now  turn  out  'ten  tons  of  pure  grade 
laundry  soap  at  each  boiling.  This  department  employs  a  good  num- 
ber of  men  and  now  supply  nearly  all  the  island  trade  with  laundry 
soap,  the  output  averaging,  some  800  boxes  per  month.  The  members 
of  the  firm  have  also  taken  a  lively  interest  in  the  fruit  trade  of  the 
country,  F.  W.  McChesney  being  the  president  of  the  Woodlawn  Fruit 


WM.    G.    IRWIN    &    CO. 

This  firm  is  composed  of  Messrs.  Glaus  Spreckels  and  Wm.  G.  Irwln, 
and  controls  the  entire  Spreckels  interests  in  the  Hawaiian  Islands, 
Mr.  W.  G.  Irwin  being  the  acting  partner  in  the  firm.  Wm.  G.  Irwin 
&  Co.  are  the  leading  factors  in  the  sugar  business  of  these  Islands. 
This  firm  was  first  established  in  1874  by  Wm.  G.  Irwin,  Col.  Z.  S. 
Spaulding  and  John  S.  Walker,  who  continued  as  its  proprietors  until 
1880,  when  the  firm  dissolved,  and  Messrs.  Irwin  and  Spreckels  became 
associated  and  continued  the  business  under  the  old  name.  On  July 
1st,  1890,  the  concern  was  incorporated  with  a  capital  of  $500,000,  all 
the  stock  being  retained  by  the  principals,  except  a  small  amount  that 
was  placed  among  the  trusted  employes  of  the  firm.  Prior  to  1880  Mr. 
Spreckels  had  become  largely  interested  in  the  sugar  industry  of 
Hawaii,  but  up  to  that  time  had  nobody  directly  representing  his 
interests.  His  operations  became,  however,  so  extended  that  he  found 
it  necessary  to  have  a  regular  representative  at  Honolulu,  and  having 
become  well  and  favorably  acquainted  with  Mr.  Irwin  in  previous 
transactions,  in  which  the  latter  acted  in  the  capacity  of  sugar  buyer 


238 


for  J.  D.  Spreckels  of  San  Francisco,  he  made  W.  G.  Irwin  his  partner. 
The  prestige,  enterprise  and  enormous  wealth  of  Glaus  Spreckels  at 
his  back  gave  this  firm  immense  advantage  over  all  competitors.  In 
addition  to  the  plantations  of  which  Mr.  Spreckels  was  already  whole 
or  part  owner,  the  agency  and  control  of  others  was  secured  by 
advancing  money,  both  on  crops  and  on  the  plantations  themselves, 
this  firm  having  had  due  them  at  one  time  from  planters  on  these 
Islands  some  two  and  a  half  millions  of  dollars.  New  plantations 
were  also  started  on  the  firm's  account.  They  acted  as  the  Islands 
agents  for  the  Hawaiian  Commercial  and  Sugar  Co.  from  its  inception. 
They  also  started  and  enlarged  numerous  others,  including  the 
Paauhau  Plantation,  the  Hakalau  Plantation,  the  Hilo  Sugar  Co.,  and 
the  Hutchinson  Plantation,  each  of  which  has  an  annual  capacity  of 
from  six  to  seven  thousand  tons.  The  total  amount  of  sugar  handled 
by  Wm.  G.  Irwin  &  Co.  from  the  crop  of  1891  was  nearly  50,000  tons. 

Another  important  branch  of  the  business  of  Wm.  G.  Irwin  &  Co. 
is  the  agency  of  the  Oceanic  Steamship  Company,  which  runs  one 
steamer,  namely,  the  "Australia,"  between  the  ports  of  Honolulu 
and  San  Francisco,  and  the  "Mariposa"  and  the  "Alameda"  between 
San  Francisco  and  Australia,  and  which  also  runs  a  large  number  of 
packets  between  the  Islands  and  the  Pacific  coast,  carrying  lumber 
and  merchandise  to  Wm.  G.  Irwin  &  Co.  and  others  of  Honolulu,  and 
returning  to  San  Francisco  with  sugar  and  rice.  The  company  is  also 
agent  for  the  new  Japan-Seattle  line,  the  Nippon  Yusen  Kaisha. 

The  lines  of  merchandise  dealt  in  by  Wm.  G.  Irwin  &  Co.  consist 
of  such  goods  as  are  in  demand  on  plantations  and  in  plantation 
districts.  Their  trade  is  large  and  extends  all  over  the  Islands,  but 
the  bulk  of  it  consists  in  supplying,  the  plantations  of  which  they  have 
the  exclusive  control. 


All  the  various  departments  of  this  enormous  business,  as  well 
as  all  the  plantations  themselves,  are  under  the  direct  supervision  of 
Mr.  Wm.  G.  Irwin. 


ST.  LOUIS  COLLEGE. 

The  St.  Louis  College,  G.  Bertram  principal,  is  located  at  the  foot 
of  Beretania  street.  The  premises,  abounding  with  luxuriant  vege- 
tation and  all  kinds  of  tropical  trees  and  plants,  formerly  belonged  to 
the  "Montgomery  Estate,"  and  were  purchased  by  the  late  Rt.  Rev. 
Hermann,  D.  D.,  Bishop  of  Olba,  as  the  site  for  this  college.  He  erected 
a  two-story  brick  building,  and  after  its  erection,  procured  a  corps  of 
teachers  from"  the  States.  In  1883  these  took  charge  of  the  institution. 
At  the  end  of  the  first  year  it  was  found  necessary  to  provide  additional 
accommodations  on  account  of  the  rapid  increase  in  the  number  of 
pupils.  Two  large,  roomy  two-story  buildings  were  then  erected. 

The  buildings,  though  modest  in  appearance,  are  well  furnished. 
The  chemical  and  philosophical  apparatus  was  imported  from  Europe. 
The  College  also  possesses  a  collection  of  minerals  and  Hawaiian  curios 
and  a  library  for  the  use  of  the  students.  The  latter  contains  a  good 
selection  of  juvenile  books,  and  several  of  the  leading  American 
periodicals. 

The  St.  Louis  College  aims  to  be  a  first-class  preparatory,  classical 
and  commercial  school.  The  course  of  studies  is  well  graded.  It  is 
completed  in  the  High  Class,  in  which  a  thorough  and  practical  knowl- 
edge in  the  several  departments  of  business,  literature  and  science  is 
imparted.  Students  may  pursue  special  courses  in  music,  art  and 
modern  languages.  Greek  and  Latin  are  optional. 


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